No policy could be more shortsighted than the suppression of the foreign-language press now advocated by some apostles of know-nothingism. The newspaper in the immigrant's own language does more than any other one agency to acquaint him with the ideals and institutions of his new country. The Scandinavian press has from the beginning been an exponent of Americanism. Many of the men who fought in the Fifteenth Wisconsin could not read English, but learned the issues of the war from a little Norwegian sheet published here. The immigrant of today has a better education; he often knows English before he comes here, and in any case absorbs it with avidity as soon as he sets foot on American soil. Yet, he needs a newspaper in the language of his homeland. It carries to him a more intimate message; it speaks in a voice he knows, and therefore inspires confidence.

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During the first two years of the war, the Scandinavians were lukewarm, inclined to blame both sides in the conflict equally. They were on friendly terms with their German Lutheran neighbors and were slow to believe that the kinsmen of these people could be guilty of the atrocities they heard of. At that time, the press, with great knowledge, was in advance of its constituency. As early as July 29, 1914, Skandinaven uncovered the intrigues of Austria against Serbia, and , on August 18, Decorah Posten wrote:

"The German Emperor seems to be master of the situation. At a word from him Austria would probably have accepted Serbia's apology for the murder of the heir to the throne....If the Emperor had said the word, there would have been no war, but he did not say it. Therefore, he now stands before the world as the one who is chiefly responsible for the war. If, furthermore, we ask why Germany wanted a world war, the only answer is: Expansion of German power and military rule."

The Minneapolis Tidende likewise blamed Kaiser Wilhelm for the war, while at 3the same time pointing out the failure of the whole balance of power system, and expressing what is now the only great hope of liberals the world over, saying:

"One consequence of this war, it is to be hoped, will be that a few rulers shall no longer have power to plunge the nations into war. The executive power must be so lodged that it is fully responsible to the men chosen by the people and thus forced to do the will of the people and nothing else."

The Danish papers were, of course, intensely anti-German from the beginning. Nordlyset, Revyen, Ugebladet, and The Danish Pioneer have constantly printed violent attacks on the Kaiser and all that he stands for. Revyen, in 1914, expressed a fervent hope that the Kaiser and his accomplices would hang from the lamp posts of Unter den Linden, and Nordlyset published some very unflattering cartoons of him.

Svenska Amerikanaren, among the Swedish organs, came out squarely against Germany 4from the first saying:

"The fact that Germany began the war is beyond question. To be sure, it was Austria who first declared war against Serbia, but we may be very sure that this happened after an agreement with Germany regarding the consequences. Germany could easily have prevented the war by refusing her aid to Austria in case of a declaration of war against Serbia, should it provoke action from Russia. By not preventing the declaration of war, although the consequences could easily be foreseen, Germany incurred responsibility for the great war. History will, without doubt, place this fearful responsibility on Germany."

Not all Swedish-American editors had an equally clear perception at that stage. Most of the Swedes in the United States belong to a generation that had the fear of Russia bred in their bones. They or their fathers left Sweden before the rise of Prussianism, and the liberal development which shifted the foreign alignment of their mother. To them, Russia, was the hereditary enemy of western 5democracy, and they could not understand how liberal France and England could fight on the same side with the Czar. But as soon as Germany stood revealed as the enemy of their adopted country, the Swedes in America knew no divided allegiance. The test of their loyalty came with the Luxemburg revelations which threatened serious misunderstandings between the country of their birth and that of their adoption. Then the Swedish-American press with one accord testified to the "one hundred per cent Americanism" which has since become the slogan of Scandinavian-Americans. Among the numerous editorials breathing absolute loyalty, we choose a paragraph from Nordstjernan:

"Swedish-Americans honor their homeland, but the new land to which they have given their fealty and their oath must stand and always has stood first. They are ready, if fate demands it of them, to give their blood for their adopted country, even against the land where they were born and bred or where their parents were born and bred."

This article was attacked as "traitorous" by the conservative organ, Nya Daglist 6Alle Handa, whereupon Nordstjernan reaffirmed its American loyalty in even stronger terms saying:

"It is inconceivable to us how any Swedish newspaper editor can fail to see that in the moment when we took our oath as citizens of this country we bound ourselves to defend it with our heart's blood, and this means that we might even have to fight our old homeland if--which God forbid--there should be war between the United States and Sweden."

Our entrance into the war was accepted by the Scandinavian press with a sober realization of the struggle ahead of us, but in a spirit of absolute loyalty. The pacifist organ, Reform, still believed that President Wilson's ideal of a league of nations could have been realized without war, but bowed to the will of the people as expressed through Congress, counseling all citizens of Norwegian blood to stand solidly with the country, and to bear their share of the burden faithfully. Veckobladet, which on the very eve of war had pleaded peace, wrote 7that "we must each and all be ready to make sacrifices in whatever manner the welfare of our country demands, and must show in word and deed that we are worthy of our citizenship".

A more belligerent note was struck by the larger newspapers. Thus, Svenska-Amerikaneren, before the declaration of war, wrote: "America did not want and does not want war. If the matter rested with America, there would be no war between us and any other country. If America were to renounce all rights as a neutral, war might be avoided, but that would be the most contemptible position anyone could take, and such a course would soon bring its own punishment."

On the day that war was declared, Ugebladet wrote: "America is now in the war. That is no cause for rejoicing--on the contrary, it is to be regretted that it should be necessary to go so far. But the step has been taken, and now all Americans, native-born or immigrant, have but one duty: to be loyal to our country and our government."

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Skandinaven expressed unqualified approval of the action taken by Congress: "No one who has read the President's message to Congress can doubt that Germany, through a long series of lawless acts that lack a parallel in history, has forced the United States into the war. It had to come. The United States has been compelled to take up the gauntlet thrown by Prussian autocracy, the natural enemy of democracy.

Skandinaven (Daily Edition), July 14, 1918.

Turning from the press comments at the time of our entrance into the war to those of a year later, we find a remarkable consolidation of patriotic purpose. All papers, without exception, donated generous space to the Liberty Loan, the Red Cross, and other national services. All record with pride the part taken by Scandinavians, the flocking of young men to the colors, the dedication of services. flags, the loyalty meetings, the innumerable activities to aid the government in the prosecution of the war. Among the editorials urging subscriptions to the Liberty Loan, we note one in the Washington Posten reminding 9its readers that liberty was "often the only heritage they brought with them from Norway," and they, to whom liberty had always been the very breath of life, should be the first to contribute.

It might, perhaps, be expected that Scandinavians, being proverbial "kickers" and haters of graft, should be the most loud-voiced critics of the government, but their press is singularly moderate, slow to believe in "exposures," strong in demanding fair play for the government. Thus, Svenska Kuriren urges everybody to "drop all discussion and cease all criticism" that might "breed dissention and create division, thus discouraging people from the sacrifices necessary to win the war". Similar pleas are made by the Minneapolis Tidende, Veckobladet, and others.

While moral loyalty of the Swedish-American editors to their country has always been beyond cavil, it might perhaps be said that their intellectual enlightenment was completed with the German occupation of Finland. Svenska Tribunen Nyheter writes:

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"What does all this mean except that Germany is carrying on a war of conquest, and that Prussian autocracy is a real danger threatening the world? That danger is imminent for little Sweden which is now in a much more dangerous position than in the days of the mighty Russian czarism. Anyone with open eyes can see that a German victory would be fatal to all democratic nations, and not least to Sweden and the other northern countries. Therefore it seems to us that the Swedes and their nearest neighbors should be especially thankful to America, which has entered the war, not for gain, but in order to help the weaker nations, to destroy German autocracy and militarism, and to protect the freedom of the world. From America help must come, and America will win."

The Minnesota Stats Tidning, while admitting that "the war was not at first popular," thinks that "there are surely few who do not see the necessity of America's entrance into the war in order to crush German insolence".

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Nordisk Tidende is in a position to reach a large number of unnaturalized Norwegians. Last November, the paper printed an article explaining the rules for exemption of foreign citizens from military service, and in doing so gave special typographical display to the following paragraph:

"We hope that no Norwegian citizen will claim exemption unless absolutely compelled to do so. Norwegian citizens should remember that America is fighting for the right of small nations, and that a victorious ending of the war is just as important for Norway as for America herself."

In conclusion, we quote from a fervently patriotic editorial in a recent number of the Duluth Skandinav:

"Perhaps some of us feel a little depressed because duty lays upon our shoulders a burden which is a thousand times easier to bear than that borne by the soldier's 12mother or father. Perhaps we think times are hard, and we complain that we are not getting out of life all the pleasure and happiness that is our due. And yet, think for a moment of what is happening in the various training camps in this country; think of what is happening in Europe; thing of the suffering, the privation, the losses, the pain, and the anguish, physical and mental, that is endured by the men in the trenches, and you will awaken to a new understanding--an understanding that will make you sacrifice everything to be of the greatest help, that will make you unfold all your powers to help not only our own community, but the entire world. Then duty will become a precious burden to you. You will sit down and think of what you have left undone that you might have done. You will feel small and weak and miserable when you measure yourself with your own great desire to work wonders, and you will feel what a great debt you owe to those who are pouring out their heart's blood on the soil of France.