Senator Nelson on the Philippine Question (Editorial)
Skandinaven, Sept. 22, 1900
United States Senator Knute Nelson opened his campaign for re-election in Minnesota with a speech on "Various Phases of the Philippine Question". This is a weighty contribution to the discussion of one of the most important issues of this year's election campaign. His speech will be found verbatim in a different part of the paper. On earlier occasions, Skandinaven has published a number of important documents and other contributions concerning the election, such as the platforms of the different parties, the letters of acceptance by President McKinley and Governor Roosevelt, etc.--all in Norwegian translation. Certain of our readers have expressed the wish to have some of the most important papers published in the English language. Skandinaven has resolved, therefore, to accede to this request by presenting Senator Nelson's speech in English.
The question concerning the Philippines is important, comprehensive, and 2many-sided. An exhaustive presentation of this question would fill a fairly large volume. In his letter of acceptance, the President has treated the matter fairly exhaustively; there were various phases of the question, however, which he had to leave untouched. Governor Roosevelt presented the matter in the light of the country's expansion policy, thereby complementing the President's statement. There remained a great deal to be said, however, and Senator Nelson has brought this out in his speech. The letters of acceptance by the candidates for president and vice-president, in addition to Senator Nelson's speech, cover the case almost completely. The President discusses the matter from the point of view of diplomacy; he explains why we are in the Philippines; why we could not refrain from demanding the ceding of the Islands, and further explains what has been done and what the government intends to do.
Governor Roosevelt shows us that in doing what the President has told about our country has not entered upon a new course but has simply adhered to the expansion policy which the Fathers of the Revolution pursued, thus making its continuation by their successors a moral obligation.
3Senator Nelson looks upon the question from the moral point of view; he shows that what we have done is merely what we were under moral obligation to the Filipinos to do. Many of those who, in good faith, approve of the attitude of our government in the Philippines, are of the opinion that Aguinaldo and his followers are fighting for a real Filipino republic. Even though these people admit that our government had to do what has been done, yet they regret that the American government has been driven to the necessity of suppressing an uprising in which a people were fighting for their liberty. Such an attitude rests upon a misapprehension of the real conditions. Senator Nelson has taken upon himself the task of dispelling this misapprehension and in doing so has displayed the same keenness of insight and lucidity of presentation that we are accustomed to find in his contributions relative to any matter. In his speech he explains the inside history of the conflict; the beginning, character, development, and aim of the uprising. He shows that the intention of the leaders was not to gain independence and liberty for the Filipinos but to win power, riches, and glory for themselves.
As usual, the Senator does not present any assertion without adequate proofs, 4and his proofs are of a type which makes it possible for every reader to judge for himself the value and genuineness of these proofs. The presentation is read with a feeling of confidence in its reliability and validity.
The root of the present trouble is to be sought in the insurrection against the Spaniards in 1896, and naturally Mr. Nelson goes back to this uprising. The goal set for this uprising was not independence; what the Filipinos demanded then was simply the abolition of some of the worst Spanish misrule; at the time, they did not dream of such extensive self-rule as our government intends to give them and as in part they already have received. The Spanish misrule of which they had complained was of course ended when Spanish government was abolished. Modest as the goal of the revolutionists was, however, the Spaniards found it convenient to bargin for peace. Aguinaldo was also willing to negotiate. In 1897 he betrayed his countrymen, sold out to the Spaniards for $800,000, half of which was paid in cash, and promised to leave the Philippines. Thus did this "George Washington" of the Philippines end his first fight for liberty for the Islands.
5The signs of war to come between the United States and Spain awakened hopes in the traitorous Filipino leaders for another chance to fish in troubled waters.
After Dewey had broken the power of Spain, Aguinaldo and other leaders held a meeting at which they agreed on a plan later to be followed. They would make the Americans help them against Spain and then, afterwards, they would turn against the Americans.
Senator Nelson's speech reveals all the details of the execution of this plan, the dictatorship of Aguinaldo, the traitorous attacks upon our people at the beginning of the war; the negotiations by Aguinaldo with the Spaniards; the plans for arson, murder, and general massacre in Manila, etc. All of these well-substantiated facts concerning Aguinaldo and his band show that it is mere nonsense to speak of them as popular heroes, as leaders in a fight for liberty. These men represent only a minority in the Islands, consisting of people belonging to one particular tribe. Aguinaldo's government was forced upon the people; there was no question of consulting the wishes of the people: the latter obeyed 6merely because they were fearful of the consequences of disobedience. The so-called "republic" is a military dictatorship and is in reality a case of "imperialism" and "militarism" as clear-cut as Colonel Bryan or anybody else could wish.
Government by Aguinaldo and his band would be far worse than that perpetrated by the Spaniards. This is now evident to any observer, and inasmuch as the Islands have come into the possession of the United States--an inescapable consequence of the war--the United States had the moral duty to save the Philippines from this perjured band of traitors and barbarian tyrants, as fully as it was our duty to free the Philippines, Puerto Rico, and Cuba from Spanish rule. Nobody can read Senator Nelson's clear, logical exposition of the matter without becoming convinced that a free, capable government of the Islands cannot come from the Filipinos themselves, but will and must come from us.
Senator Nelson briefly surveys Colonel Bryan's program and shows conclusively that this program is contradictory, impractical, and inevitably would lead the 7country into militarism and imperialism of a very real and dangerous kind. Finally the Senator shows that the government's Filipino policy is the very best arrangement for the Filipinos as well as the safest, the least expensive, and the best as regards our own country.
Senator Nelson's speech also deals with other phases of the question and presents a number of facts needed for a full understanding of the matter...In the summary given above, only the leading thought in the speech has been considered. To get the full benefit of the speech, one must read it in full. It presents the results of serious, careful, and searching investigation and ought to be read carefully and thoughtfully. Every voter ought to familiarize himself with the facts treated, since only a knowledge of the facts can enable the voter to reach valid conclusions. For this reason the speech will be profitable to any reader whether he be in agreement or in disagreement with the Senator's point of view.
