All is well that ends well.

The problem "Kerensky-Kornilov" has been liquidated. Now, after peace has been restored everywhere, we can discuss all that has happened in a more dispassionate way and give a more elaborate account of all these events. We believe that Kerensky has passed his examination brilliantly and deserves to be supported by all those to whom the freedom of Russia is dear.

The last events have shown that Kerensky is in the place that rightfully belongs to him; that the Russian revolution is dear to him; that the stones that have been thrown at him by the "firebrands" have simply not been deserved by him; that all this stone slinging does not even deserve serious criticism.

2

Kerensky did not betray "the people," and consequently, the infamous insinuation which his left opponents had spread about him is seen now by the people in all its ugly nakedness.

It has become obvious now that the Kornilov affair has lifted the curtain which was hiding the true picture of political life in Russia. The mask has been torn from the faces of those double-faced personalities who at every opportunity, or even without any good reason, were advertising themselves as friends of the revolution, while in reality they were working together with obvious counter-revolutionists. This is not a secret any more for the masses, and the masses will know what is the real value of Kornilov's and Guchkov's "heroism."

The local capitalistic press presents the latest events in such a light that one gets the impression that Kerensky had become much more conservative; that he had made many concessions to the moderate parties. But the capitalistic press is very apt to exaggerate and to make an elephant out of a fly.

3

On the other hand, the Socialist press was also somewhat disappointed in Kerensky. But those who criticized him were all writers of editorials for foreign Socialist papers who did not believe in any "compromises." What does it concern them that the welfare of the country is endangered? All they want at all costs is a maximum program, and for that they are ready to put at stake all the future of Russia. Generally speaking, it is the easiest thing in the world to criticize the activities of Russian statesmen while sitting comfortably in America.

One part of the press maintains that Kerensky is steadily growing more and more radical, while the other part shouts with apprehension that he is growing more conservative. "Only think of that," - so reason some journalists - "most of the ministers are Socialists, and they want to force on Russia a socialistic organization of the state...." "Bah! What are you saying," - say the others, -"don't you see that the Provisional government is inimical to revolutionary ideas and that 4Kerensky is just the executor of the orders he gets from Milukov and his friends....."

The "leftists" got "so lost in the clouds" that they see the sacrosanct socialism only in their own fraction, and brand all those who do not think in accordance with certain established standards, and understand internationalism in their own way, as reactionaries and cowards from whom one must flee like from a plague.....

But those who have more than a superficial knowledge of the Russian revolutionary movement, and know a little more, have not ceased for a minute to trust Kerensky and his cabinet. If they do not know all about Kerensky's activities during the tsaristic regime, they know well on the other hand the names of Chernov, Skobelev, Plekhanov, etc. And the question arises: How could it happen that persons whose names are well known in the Russian revolutionary movement in which 5they have been working for scores of years suddenly became the pals of the "dictator" Kerensky? The answer is simple: Kerensky is a prominent factor, a powerful personality. Kerensky knows how to make you trust him. And he is trusted.....

All that has happened during these last days is a very common occurrence.

The constitutional democrats, while they were not yet organized, only criticized the Provisional government. But when they became conscious of their own force, and yet saw that the Socialists with Kerensky at their head were more influential among the masses, they decided to fight the Socialists and chose the line of "least resistance," endeavoring to bring about the fall of the Socialist cabinet which had been organized by Kerensky.

6

The "Octobrists," such as Lvov and Guchkov, went still farther and accepted even the services of Kornilov. We can expect in the future more attempts to discredit Kerensky's government.

The struggle between the bourgeoisie and the working class is unavoidable. The same thing happened in 1848 in Germany; in 1871 (after the Commune) in France, and now it is going on in Russia....

At the present time in Russia the working class is better organized than during the previous revolutions of the last century. Moreover, the former mistakes of their brothers teach the Russian workmen how they can retain the power in their hands during the revolutionary storms that are assailing the country. Besides, the Russian working class has found a first-class helmsman in the person of Kerensky.

Kerensky stopped with his firm hand, with his keen insight, that which could become an obstacle to the self-government of the country, 7and saved thereby the country from a split, from unnecessary bloodshed.

Kerensky was acting like a loyal son of the revolution, to whom the interests of the country and its toiling masses were much more important than the interests of a small band of bourgeois.

It is true that Kerensky is not a typical representative of the proletariat; he is not an out-and-out Marxian and does not make any distinction between the industrial workmen, the farm laborers and the poor peasants.

He is a loyal defender of the working class in general....

And quite naturally he puts a stop to the too extreme course taken by Leninism.