Generally speaking it may be said that it is highly impertinent for the American people to assume the role of a judge relative to the war in Europe. Of course it may be said with some truth that it is folly for nations to war against each other. But by the same token one might ask, "why do not humans behave like angels?"

Theodore Roosevelt, while president,became negotiator of peace between Russia and Japan. He received cash payment for this achievement, in the Nobel prize, and the praise and honor which, in addition he received from other sources, undoubtedly contributed to the megalomania of which he has long been a victim. We doubt that he did anything worthwhile for humanity through his peace negotiations. We feel convinced that his activity hurt the United States as well as the people of the Scandinavian peninsula, that means, even the Norwegian parliament which awarded Roosevelt the peace prize.

It is fully known now, that at the time when the German emperor and Roosevelt's brotherly unity compelled Russia to sue for peace, the resources of Japan were exhausted. Russia's victory would, then, simply have been a question of time. A few additional months and the yellow peril - or the yellow brown peril to be more exact, would have become non-existent as far as the United States is concerned. The Scandinavian people would then have gained a breathing spell from their age-old fear of Russia instead of having it renewed more intensive than before, because their big eastern neighbor has been driven back from the Pacific ocean.

President Wilson deserves credit for refraining entering the war and for having limited his activity in the direction of just some benevolent phrases announcing his own love of peace and his desire to be of service, if required, in the interest of peace. Neither the peace journey to Europe of lady Addams and other old women have been sanctioned by him, nor the fairy-tale journey of the masculine old women on the Peace Ship hired by Henry Ford.

The love of peace these people, so warmly approve disappears completely in the shadow of their colossal egotism which makes them imagine that they possess, as it were, all wisdom. At the same time in the capacity of Americans they expose themselves to justified ridicule and resentment because they have no right to present the history of the American people as a peaceful guide for others in the further pursuit and love of international justice, and unselfishness. President Wilson's solemn assurance that the people of the United States will for all time desist from the acquisition by force is a new type of politics which by the way has not been adopted by the American people either by referendum or by any other binding action. The United States have rarely asked permission when some new area was desired. The age old principle of robbery has been followed at as recent date as when the Panama canal was acquired. It is hardly feasible to boast of our unselfishness in the Spanish war or about the liberation of Cuba, when at the same time we acquired both the Philippines and Porto Rico without any ceremonies.

If our memory does not fail us too badly, certain European diplomats attempted to negotiate peace shortly before the Spanish War but were turned down by our statesmen. In passing it may be mentioned that the proper time for negotiating peace seems to us to be before the beginning of a war rather than after. It also seems probable that the goal set at the time for our action, the liberation of Cuba, might have been achieved through negotation. But we were not at all willing to acknowledge the right of the European nations to interfere in an affair which evidently was considered by Americans as belonging under the sphere of the Monroe doctrine. To put it briefly - it did not coneern anybody else.

At that time much was said about liberty and justice and the will of the people, even about "national conscience." Are we ready to say that all of this was merely a smoke screen, as it were? By no means! Many believed that they were serving a great cause and most people thought that the United States had a mission to fulfill. But if we took that attitude then, how dare we now put ourselves up as judges of Europe, trying to shape their relationship with each other without having been requested so to do - and absolutely 5without understanding or knowledge of the issues involved.

This latter statement we are justified in making especially since Henry Ford is speaking of going to Denmark, Norway and Sweden in order to develop his peace program; and to try to put it into effect. In case Henry Ford had taken the trouble to investigate the conditions in those countries he would have become aware that his presence and his errand in Copenhagen, Christiania, and Stockholm would be more likely to embarrass the governments of the Scandinavian people than in any way to strengthen them in their desire to remain neutral during the war. But when the war ends perhaps he might be of assistance in restoring the European balance, thus aiding in bringing about a lasting peace.

In the constitution of the United States there is a paragraph imposing fine and imprisonment on individuals trying to interfere with the international relations of foreign countries. It has been said that the paragraph does not apply in the present case. We beg to ask, why? And we add that it is a great pity if the law cannot cope with this type of acute folly.