Foreign Language Press Service

King Vs. Venizelos and Vice Versa in Greek Life in Chicago

Loxias, Aug. 30, 1916

p. 1- The Greek and American journals of Chicago ever so often print in their columns something about the Venizelos-Constantine dispute among the Chicago Greeks. The following letters show how some Greeks fight their heads off through the press.

Editor of the Chicago Journal: Ever since the European war began, the editorial columns of the Chicago Journal have devoted more space to criticizing the behavior of the Greek King toward the Allies than to the activities of any other ruler of the neutral states.

We, the Greeks of Chicago, really appreciate your unselfish and sincere interest in the affair of our beloved Greece, although your articles are not always up to the standard in accuracy and impartiality.

Your last article, "Standing by Venizelos," reflects mostly the opinions of the ignorant masses of our people here and those of some ultra-fanatics, pro-Venizelists, and not the opinions of cool and sane Greeks, who value more the interests of their country than the interests of the Allies.

2

You stated in this article that "Constantine had no right to dismiss the lawful premier, no right to overturn the constitutional government of his country and seize despotic power, no right to dishonor his minister's pledges to the entente and his own solemn treaty with Serbia, no right to join hands with Bulgaria. These are his faults, and they deserve any punishment that his betrayed people may choose to inflict."

Now, let me take issue with you, for it seems to me that you are laboring under a misconception of what is stated in the constitution of Greece, according to which Constantine acted. According to the Greek constitution, the King has the right to dissolve parliament as often as he chooses to do so. The article of the constitution which gives this privilege to the King is a bad article. But that is how the article reads; your friend Venizelos was instrumental in having it incorporated in the constitution five years ago, and there it is still. The King did not make the constitution; Venizelos and his party made it, and the King has solemnly observed it.

3

You assert that the King seized despotic power. How can you substantiate this statement? The King dismissed Mr. Venizelos and ordered elections, and Mr. Venizelos betrayed the common people who voted for him and for his followers by declaring himself pro-neutral before the elections and pro-war after the elections. Then the King very wisely again dismissed Mr. Venizelos as not fulfilling his promises to the voters and ordered new elections. Mr. Venizelos kept out of the race, and naturally he could have no voice in the Chamber of Deputies. Who is to be blamed for cowardly behavior?

You assert that the King had no right to dishonor his minister's pledge to the Allies. Why not? What right had Mr. Venizelos to pledge his country against her will? According to the constitution Mr. Venizelos had no right to give such a pledge. War is declared by the King, says the constitution made by Mr. Venizelos.

4

As for the treaty with Serbia, you and I know nothing about it; but I am sure from what I read in the Greek press that there was no such obligation as is stated by Mr. Venizelos' friends.

In regard to the other accusation, that the King joined hands with the Bulgarians, it is absurd even to think of it. The King acted with absolute neutrality, allowing them to occupy part of Greece as the Allies had already occupied half of it.

As for the punishment that the King deserves, my opinion is that the people of Greece and the Greeks of America and elsewhere ought to be very thankful to him for keeping Greece out of war so long among so many difficulties caused by the Allies without and so many demagogues and hot-headed leaders within the country.

As a citizen of Chicago and as a member of the Greek community here, I appreciate your interest in Greek affairs, but your information is 5altogether wrong. Greeks in Chicago in reading your articles form an opinion that their King is a traitor or something of the sort, which tends to create a division among the Greeks here, and more than that, the article makes an unpleasant impression upon the minds of the American people.

Dr. N. Papantonopoulos,

535 South Halsted Street

Chicago.

Now another Chicago Greek, and a very eminent one, Mr. Paul Javaras, a scholar and a gentleman who shares the opinion of three-fourths of the Greeks of Chicago, throws down the gauntlet and shows Dr. Papantonopoulos very explicitly where to get off.

Editor of the Chicago Daily Journal: Writing in the Journal under the heading "Standing by the Truth," Dr. N. G. Papantonopoulos states that the Journal is misinformed in believing that the Greek people here as well as in Greece stand behind Mr. Venizelos and his policies.

6

Now, while we grant to Dr. Papantonopoulos the right to express his opinion, does he not think that he oversteps the rules of decorum and of etiquette when he comes out in a statement and calls those who differ with him "ignorant masses"? The indisputable fact that the great majority of Greeks the world over approve of Mr. Venizelos is sufficient proof that it is not some ultra-fanatics but the great sane mass of people which is behind him.

And was not this proved by the elections of May, 1915? Did not the Venizelists poll two-thirds of the total vote then? This fact remains unshaken, much as Mr. Papantonopoulos endeavors to accuse Mr. Venizelos of being pro-neutral before the elections and pro-war after the elections. Neither does that other silly argument, that the people elected Mr. Venizelos because they liked him and not because they understood his policies, rest upon a logical basis. For I dare say that among all nations the Greeks more than any other have a general idea of politics, following with keen interest the platforms of all political parties.

7

As for the accusation that Mr. Venizelos was pro-war after the election and pro-neutral before, I beg to remind the writer that Mr. Venizelos was not for war immediately after the elections. Only when Bulgaria mobilized for the purpose of attacking Serbia did he wish to go to war and stand behind the treaty which was made by him, approved of by the Chamber, and signed by the King.

Mr. Venizelos's behavior was not cowardly in not taking part in the elections which the King ordered after Mr. Venizelos's dismissal, for these have been well termed a ridiculous farce, since the elections took place when half the voters were under arms and could not vote. And all this was done in defiance of the constitution, which forbids general elections when mobilization is in effect. This was not the only time that the King violated the constitution, for the measures are well known which the government of King Constantine has taken to suppress free speech and peaceful assembly all over Greece.

8

But of all the blunders which Dr. Papantonopoulos makes in undertaking to justify the conduct of the King the one pertaining to the permission granted to the Bulgars to seize the Greek fort of Rupel as an act of strict neutrality is one which is condemned by the unanimous voice of all the Greek peoples.

The Greek people do not place the Anglo-French upon the same footing as the Bulgarians. The Anglo-French have been the creators of modern Greece, and the Greek people will ever be thankful to them for assistance rendered in their hour of need and sorrow.

Fortunately for Greece and for the world at large the great mass of people still believe in the great American axiom, "government for the people and by the people." The death of all those who shed their blood to bequeath to posterity the rights of freedom of the press and of free speech has not been in vain. The world, with but few set-backs, moves forward; the doctrine of the divine right of kings is losing ground and adherents every day, and the great day of rule by reason and not by force is already looming on the horizon.

9

As to Dr. Papantonopooulos' aversion to seeing Greeks divided in Chicago or elsewhere, that is very poor philosophy. Differences of opinion must exist. Aristotle the great said that "an assertion is not a proof." If we all agreed that the earth was flat, as some so-called wise people in the past have said, we should be living in illusion. A difference in opinion brings out the truth. Dr. Papantonopoulos is excusable for advancing his ideas, though he wants the Greeks of Chicago to be united and to say that white is black or vice versa.

Paul Javaras,

807 West Harrison Street.

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