England has looked forward to the great war against Germany. For years and years she has prepared for it, and now she has succeeded in bringing it about. That she has done this intentionally, without reason or necessity, has been clearly established. Proof is the Einkreisungspolitik [policy of encirclement] of King Edward VII; further proof lies in the war-baiting press campaign of the last few years, the British armanents and alliances with France, Russia, and Belgium, and the words of the British foreign minister on the eve of Englands' declaration of war on Germany. On this occasion Sir Edward Grey clearly pointed out that England, by her agreements with Russia and France, was in no way obligated to enter the war, and that the British Parliament had an absolutely free choice between war and peace. But war it was to be, and it is certain that Paris and St. Petersburg knew of this decision in advance, otherwise one would not have dared to precipitate the war with Germany.

2

Just as it is apparent that England wanted the war, and in the last analysis is to be held solely responsible for it, just as clear are England's motives. In London itself one motive has never been concealed. It was quite openly announced that the war was necessary in order to break Germany's power, that Germany's military might and commercial expansion constituted a potential threat against England's interests, and that England's duty for self-preservation demanded that Germany be smashed. England felt herself threatened by Germany and was afraid of her. She could no longer stand idly by and watch Germany wax powerful. Hence the war.

England had no moral issues at stake; hers were purely practical ones. That fact is admitted in England; it is only in this country that people insist on crediting a thoroughly practical and selfish England with moral, humanitarian, and altruistic motives. Our Anglo-Americans stubbornly persist in picturing this great war as a war of the allegedly higher form of civilization of the French Republic and a democratic England against an arrogant, militaristic, and politically obsolete Prussianism and German Gottesgnadentum. Not 3only that, but they expect a victory of the Allies, including a despotic Russia, to strengthen the democratic and republican idea; they predict that the subjugation of Germany would usher in an era of republicanization and peace for Europe. People in England, at least those who can think, may be quite amazed over this queer way of reasoning, and if they find it comical they may laugh to themselves but they will be smart enough to take cognizance of the American sentimentalism and way of looking at things, and their letters and reports to America will reflect the American way of thinking!

That is probably the reason why of late the dispatches of that "famous author," H. G. Wells, who every day dispenses a morsel of wisdom, as well as those of Mr. G. B. Shaw and others, profess a great love and admiration for the German people. To be sure, not for the German people with whom one is at war, but for this Germany that once was, that "wonderful, beautiful Germany of Goethe and Beethoven," the Germany which "has enriched the world with everlasting spiritual values," the Germany which all the world had loved, meaning the Germany 4of political and military impotency, which must not dare to grumble or utter a word.

One is crazy about the German people. But not for the German people in shining armor who courageously are defying the whole world in the defense of their honor and rights, but for the German people who heretofore have meekly accepted scorn and derision while working like beavers for the welfare of humanity and forgetting their own, the German people who in return should be contented to remain the bootblacks of the lords of creation.

That is the way their enemies would have liked to see the Germans and Germany remain, and if they had not changed the English and French would still love them today, but Germany and the Germans will never assume that role again. They claim the right to be masters, to which position they are entitled by virtue of their past achievements, and since it is not conceded them, they will fight for it.

5

In the meanwhile it is about time for our American friends to realize that England is taking advantage of their weakness for fairy tales.