The Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey was published in 1942 by the Chicago Public Library Omnibus Project of the Works Progress Administration of Illinois. The purpose of the project was to translate and classify selected news articles that appeared in the foreign language press from 1855 to 1938. The project consists of 120,000 typewritten pages translated from newspapers of 22 different foreign language communities of Chicago.

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  • Zgoda -- July 10, 1889
    News in America Forty-Two States

    July 14, 1889, there were four new stars added to our American flag, because on this day four new states were composed and admitted to the American Union. We have today forty-two stars hovering in the sky of our Republic, the United States of America.

    This same day in the year of 1790 there were only thirteen stars shining on their area of 325,065 square miles; today the expansion of this same Republic covers the area of 2,405,070 square miles.

    From the time of the daring and heroic associates of Washington, consisting of bold and brave generals, among whom we find Kosciuszko and Pulaski, who fought gallantly for the freedom of our Republic, our country grew consistently in area and that is why today it is so large it could easily, without any damage or injury to itself, take in the population of Europe.


    In the years of 1791, 1792, 1796, three new stars were added to the original: Vermont, Kentucky and Tennessee. In the year 1802, Ohio; 1812, Louisiana; 1816, Indiana; 1817, Mississippi; 1818, Illinois; 1819, Alabama; 1820, Maine; 1821, Missouri; 1836, Arkansas; 1837, Michigan; 1845, Florida and Iowa; 1846, Texas; 1847, Wisconsin; 1850, California; 1858, Minnesota; 1859, Oregon; 1861, Kansas; 1862, West Virginia; 1864, Nevada; 1867, Nebraska; 1875, Colorado. Washington, Montana and both of the Dakotas were just admitted into the Union, July 4, 1889.

    The area of the United States is large, and frequently there is a creation of a new settlement. The people always migrate forward. This, then, creates material for future stars in the form of budding states.

    July 14, 1889, there were four new stars added to our American flag, because on this day four new states were composed and admitted to the American Union. We have ...

    I J
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- December 23, 1890
    The Chicago World's Fair (Editorial)

    The Chicago World's Fair has so many obstacles that it is not necessary to be a pessimist to consider them a bad omen. As soon as one obstacle is removed and overcome, another will appear unexpectedly. Meanwhile, the time for the opening of the Fair is drawing closer.

    Even now, the President is delaying his invitations to foreign governments, in which he will ask them to take part in the Fair. This hesitation, of 2the President, has created an unfavorable attitude in foreign countries and it was already unfavorable enough since Mc Kinley's Bill became a law. At that time, the European papers openly declared that it would not be profitable to take part in the American exposition, because there will be no market for the goods shown in the United States, on account of the high tariff also at that time, a committee formed in Italy for the purpose of arranging an exhibition of Italian goods at the Chicago Fair, was dissolved because it decided that Italy should not and would not, have any reason for participating in the exposition.

    There are rumors that the governments of other countries are of the same opinion. Mr. Christman, a great diplomat and former American consul to Germany, was asked for his opinion. He replied:


    "I am afraid that the World's Fair, in Chicago, will not have the cooperation of the European nations. The United States will probably have a splendid American exposition, but Europe will stay aloof."

    Incidently, I know that there exists a mutual understanding between Germany, Great Britain, Austria and Italy on to the answer these countries will give, when asked to take part in it. These answers will be very polite but negative. They will excuse themselves by saying that insufficient time has elasped since the Parisian Fair.

    "They will argue that two years is not enough time for a proper preparation; 4but they will be silent about the true cause. The true cause is, of course, Mc Kinley's Tariff bill, or perhaps the way it is enforced as prescribed by Mc Kinley. Some of the paragraphs imply that all European manufacturers are dishonest, without honor; that they are public enemies, almost criminals, and should not be trusted under any circumstances. One of these paragraphs provides that every article imported from Europe must be marked, very plainly, where it came from. For example, on every pair of stockings from Germany, there must be a mark, "Made in Germany." This is very exasperating.

    "There will be many European visitors at the Fair, and even some manufacturers might send their goods, but it is probable that no European government will be represented officially with the exception of Russia. When I was leaving Berlin this matter was definitely settled, "Mr Christman concluded.

    The Chicago World's Fair has so many obstacles that it is not necessary to be a pessimist to consider them a bad omen. As soon as one obstacle is removed ...

    II B 1 c 3, II A 2, I J, I E
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- February 12, 1891
    American Patriotism (Editorial)

    In order to become an American patriot, one must be an Indian and belong to the Sioux, Cheyenne, Brulle or any other Indian tribe. This is only a crude involuntary jest that forced itself under the pen when we began to write about American patriotism, yet it contains some truth.

    Let us forget the Indians and take up the expression "American" in the sense used here, that is, meaning the United States, and let us discuss American patriotism from that point of view.

    The United States came into existence because, in some English colonies in America, tyrannized and exploited inhabitants of different nationalities, especially the English, decided to throw off the heavy yoke. After succeeding, they established a republic and gave it a very beautiful constitution, 2which enabled them to acquire more territories and accept into the union other states later on.

    Whoever came to this country and acquainted himself with its Constitution, has not only become a citizen but also has tried and is trying to carry out the principles of the Constitution. Furthermore, he endeavors with all his might to develop this beautiful country, helping in its growth and trying to make it greater than any other country in the world. Whoever is prepared to defend the sovereignty of this country with his life and his possessions, he is a good American patriot.

    Such patriot, therefore, has certain privileges and certain duties. His privileges consist of freedom and the right to elect the representatives of the government, or in other words the right of making laws indirectly.

    As he rules the country indirectly through his representatives, it is his duty to know the laws, their merits, and their demerits. If in his opinion the laws are faulty or impractical, he should endeavor to improve them.


    It is also his duty to enlighten others on the subject. Before elections, he should listen very carefully to all arguments for and against the candidate running for public offices, and then act according to the dictates of his conscience, that is, vote for such representative or judge as, in his opinion, shares his convictions.

    Thus, if some one thinks that McKinley's Bill is harmful, he is not only allowed but should express his opinion why he thinks so, because this leads to critical examination of the subject by others, and finally to proper reform.

    If some one thinks that Silver's Bill or any other measure is harmful, he should oppose it by all legal means. By opposing a bill a citizen does not besmirch the American nation with mud; on the contrary, he proves to be a real American patriot who tries to improve our institutions. It is the duty of every American patriot not obliged to kiss the foot of the Czar that kicks him, to paint out the defects of the laws, their harm at the time, or the fatal consequences that might occur in the future.

    Is it possible to be a patriot of two countries simultaneously, for instance, 4of America and Ireland, of America and Germany, of America and Poland?

    The author of the article in Zgoda thinks that this is an impossibility, but it is understood by a seven-year-old boy, a foster child of one of our citizens, whose father is an inmate of an insane asylum, who loves his father above his life, and who would also give his life for his foster father.

    We will discuss this some other time.

    In order to become an American patriot, one must be an Indian and belong to the Sioux, Cheyenne, Brulle or any other Indian tribe. This is only a crude involuntary ...

    III A, I J
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- February 21, 1891
    George Washington (Editorial)

    The day after tomorrow will be a great holiday in America. On that day the people of the United States will celebrate the birthday of George Washington, the Father of our Country. Since our paper will be published on that day, as usual, in the afternoon, and since we wish to give our readers an opportunity to recall the heroic deeds of this great man, we are publishing his biography in today's issue. Because our space is limited, we will present only the most important facts concerning this great American.

    George Washington, the greatest of the world's great men, and first President of the United States, was born in Westmoreland County, Virginia, on February 22, 1732. This year we celebrate George Washington's birthday on February 23 because February 22 falls on Sunday. If this celebration were to take place on Sunday, there would be no special holiday devoted to George Washington for 2school children, government employees, etc.

    George Washington's father, August Washington, whose ancestors came from England in the year of 1657, was a rich plantation owner. He died early and his widow, the famous Mary Washington whose maiden name was Mary Ball, took upon herself the responsibility of raising the large family, giving George an admirable training. Young George attended school at Williamsburg until he was fifteen years old; then he returned home, where he practiced surveying.

    George Washington entered the military service as major when the militia was called out to suppress French and Indian attacks in Virginia. He advanced very rapidly, became a colonel, and in a short time distinguished himself in Ohio. As the soldiers of the militia were not very highly esteemed by the English government, George Washington returned to private life in 1754 and settled on the estate of his brother in Mount Vernon, Virginia. Next year, however, George Washington joined General Braddock's expedition against the 3French in Canada. Braddock made him his adjutant, and next year, in 1775, [sic] he was made commander of all the militia in Virginia. When the war ended in that part of the country in 1763 [sic], he returned to Mount Vernon again, as a private citizen, where, in 1759 [sic], he married Martha Custis, a young widow.

    In the meantime dissatisfaction arose among the colonists on account of the abuses perpetrated by the English government against them. The outrages, the great injustice, the unreasonable taxation, and other innumerable oppressive measures committed by the English government, which for lack of space we cannot describe here, created a strong opposition of the colonists. This opposition began to grow because, despite the English government's revocation of its unjust decrees several times, the outrages continued and grew worse and worse, until the patience of the colonists was exhausted. The result was open opposition and, finally, revolution against England. Thirteen colonies united for the purpose of overthrowing the English yoke.


    On September 14, 1744, the fellow-citizens of George Washington elected him as their representative to the Congress of the United Colonies which was being held in Philadelphia. Here he was put in charge of all defense units, and on June 15, 1765, when more energetic measures were necessary, he was made commander-in-chief of the North American Army.

    George Washington's army was composed of militia units and all kinds of recruits--untrained, unorganized, and unequipped with the proper weapons or ammunition. For this reason he could not undertake offensive operations. This unfavorable condition was caused by the faulty laws of the colonies and the lack of co-operation of a loose Union.

    George Washington had a great task before him. He organized his army, established the necessary discipline, constructed coast defenses, and equipped flotillas. During this time he was not disturbed by the impatience of the people who urged him to take active measures. He remained calm and waited until he was well-prepared.


    His first success was in forcing General Howe to leave Boston on March 17, 1776. Then on the 4th of July of the same year, the United States declared their independence and renounced their allegiance to England. England reinforced her army with 35,000 and took New York. Washington moved his army from one place to another and after several unsuccessful battles, finally retreated north into the mountains. His army was decimated by hunger, cold, and disease. Many soldiers became discouraged on account of the hardships and deserted. Any other man placed in Washington's position and confronted with such great difficulties and hardships would have lost courage and hope. But he did not fall into despair. With great difficulties he gathered the remainder of his army, numbering two thousand faithful soldiers and retreated as far as the Delaware River. But fortunately, not everyone lost hope. Washington persuaded Congress to increase the strength of the army to one hundred battalions and to prolong military service for the duration of war. He was also given almost dictatorial power over the army for six months. Then on December 26, Washington crossed the Delaware River, attacked the English, and on the third day of January, 1777, defeated them at Princetown. However, 6he yielded to superior forces on the eleventh of September at Brandywine River, and on the third of October, at Germantown, he retreated to Valley Forge. This defeat did not deprive him of his courage or hope. He held out his post until the French Alliance permitted him to resume his offensive operations. On June 28, 1778, he defeated the English at Clinton, near Monmouth, and later, on the eighteenth of October, reinforced by 6,000 French soldiers, he forced an English army of 7,000 commanded by Cornwallis to surrender at Yorktown. This led to the signing of a peace treaty with Great Britain in 1783.

    When the English left New York on November 25, 1783, Washington disbanded his army, resigned his commission to Congress, and returned to Mount Vernon as a common plantation owner. He declined to accept any reward for his services from the Federal government. However, he did accept a grant of land presented to him by the State of Virginia on the condition that he would be given the right to use it for public school purposes.


    In May, 1787, he was sent by the State of Virginia to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, where he was chosen as the presiding officer of all sessions. The result of this convention was the framing of the Constitution of the United States on the seventeenth of September, 1787.

    In April, 1789, Washington was elected first President of the United States.

    As President, he established peace and order, regulated national debts, constructed national defenses, built schools, and laid the foundation for constructing roads and canals. He preserved strict neutrality, and because of this he was successful in entering into trade agreements with England. In 1792 he was re-elected President of the United States. By a proclamation of neutrality, Washington preserved the peace of the United States in the war between France and England and effected a profitable trade agreement with the latter. He expelled seditious French agitators, for which he was severely criticized. He declined a third term, thereby establishing a precedent which has been respected until the present day.


    In 1797 when a threat of war with France hovered over the country, Washington was appointed Lieutenant-General and, in spite of his old age, he undertook the task of reorganizing the army. Then France sent a commission and made a treaty in 1800.

    Washington died on December 14, 1799, leaving no heirs. He made a will by which he freed his slaves.

    Who does not know how Americans worship the Father of this country? Many cities bear his name, and in almost every city, some street, some public place, is named after him. Almost in every state there is a "Washington County."

    There are also many monuments erected in commemoration of his name, and the most famous and magnificent of them all is the one erected in the capital, Washington, D. C. There are also very imposing monuments of George Washington in Richmond, Boston, New York City, and Philadelphia.


    The character of George Washington was revealed by his great deeds. It was unusual, unsurpassed. He was calm in deliberation, energetic in actions, unmoved in misfortune, brave on the battlefield, keen in selecting his counsels and assistants, never allowing even a shade of jealousy; outspoken, sincere, always adhering to his principles whenever he thought he was right; conscientious in performing his duties, pleasant, charitable. These are some of his good qualities.

    The people of the United States pay homage to the memory of this great man, the Father of this free and wonderful country.

    The day after tomorrow will be a great holiday in America. On that day the people of the United States will celebrate the birthday of George Washington, the Father of ...

    I J, III B 3 a
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- June 02, 1891
    Education (Editorial)

    In the last issue of Nowe Zycie (New Life), which under its new editor has abandoned its extreme socialistic principles, we find a lengthy article with the above title. The editor evidently desires to engage in a mild and peaceful controversy on the question of the basic principles of education. The editor will probably favor us with other articles. His article refers to the question discussed in Zgoda a few weeks ago, but it differs so much from the one in Zgoda in the expounding of theories that it not only encourages controversy but even makes it very pleasant.

    The article in Nowe Zycie attacks parochial schools. We shall not pretend that the editor of Nowe Zycie has read our discussions with Zgoda, which appeared in our paper; we shall therefore refrain from referring to them, and shall once more answer his arguments very briefly.

    The author points out that it is the duty of every Pole coming to this country 2to become a good American; however, he should also remain a good Pole. Of course, this applies equally to other nationalities such as the Irish, the Germans, the French, the Bohemians, the Swedes, etc. On this point we agree with the author of the article. To prove our stand, we recall the many statements appearing in our paper to the effect that any newcomer who stays here and is not interested in our form of government and has no desire to adopt and defend its principles is unworthy of receiving any benefits from our institutions.

    A person may be a good American and also a good Pole, since it is possible to reconcile being the one with being the other. The author will surely agree with this statement; therefore it need not be argued. We Poles should be good Americans by conviction, because the United States is at present the most advanced country in the world, and because, in addition, we owe this nation a debt of gratitude. We should also be good Poles by conviction because on the one hand it is cowardly to renounce one's oppressed and downtrodden nationality and on the other hand it is honorable to profess allegiance to such a nationality, to take active part in the protests against the most abominable political crimes perpetrated against it, and to try to punish the guilty and 3establish justice.

    According to the opinion of the author, a person may be a patriotic American and still feel that he is a good Pole, or, in other words, being the one does not interfere with being the other. If this is true, then neither the duty to be a good American nor the duty to be a good Pole should stand in the way of those Poles who were brought up as Catholics and who desire to remain loyal to their faith when they come to this country. Only a strong religious influence can preserve morality among those who have freed themselves from bondage, and morality is a very important factor in a country where people rule themselves.

    Let us suppose, for the present, that the author of the article agrees with the theory that our descendants should be good Americans, good Poles, and religious persons. Now, let us take the author's reasoning under our consideration.

    The article reads: "One of the fundamental principles of the United States Government--a principle which is a guarantee of our freedom--is the separation of Church and State. In the parochial schools, especially those which are 4Catholic, church matters and obedience to the Pope are the most important subjects, and they are driven into the young minds of the pupils. Other subjects are considered as less important and as secondary to religious matters."

    We cannot understand how anyone can make such statements without presenting some proofs, such as a list of the courses of study taught in the parochial schools, or an account of the system of teaching, or the contents of schoolbooks.

    If the author had looked over the schoolbooks used, or if he had read the outline of subjects taught in the parochial schools, he would not make such statements. If we look at the list of subjects taught in Catholic colleges we shall be convinced that the subjects taught in the public schools are also taken up in Catholic colleges. That parochial schools teach religion in addition to other subjects is true, but for this reason the study period is prolonged by one hour. Of course the study of religion does not occupy a secondary place in Catholic colleges, but neither are other subjects regarded as secondary to the study of religion.


    Furthermore, well-equipped parochial elementary schools have the same equipment as well-equipped public schools. That not all parochial schools are properly equipped is true, but on the other hand we must admit that neither are all public schools exemplary. But when a certain principle is involved we must confine ourselves to the well-equipped schools of both sides.

    And now as for "obedience to the Pope." This common objection voiced by the opponents of Catholicism and disproved so many times refers only to the dogmas or the doctrines of faith which are decided by the Pope. These doctrines of faith, especially of the Catholic faith, do not contradict the principles of the Constitution of the United States. Therefore, they cannot be opposed to these principles. One of the precepts of the Catholic Church (and this precept is known and observed by every faithful Catholic) says that we should acknowledge and obey civil authority ("Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's"). Moreover, a priest always prays for the ruler of the country at every mass.

    The author asks: "Will a child educated in these schools know the difference 6between the Church and the State?" Indeed, such a child will know this because he has learned it, whereas in the public schools nothing is taught on the matter. The indifference with which a child is educated in the public schools inoculates his mind with a false conviction that the country will not permit him to profess any particular religion, whereas in the parochial schools the child learns that State and Church are two different things, and that we should obey both the State and the Church in their different spheres. The child also learns that one may be a good Catholic and a good American at the same time.

    The author continues: "Can such a child be as liberal as the Constitution of the United States, after he has grown up and become a citizen?" Certainly, because the Constitution of the United States does not permit atheism, and allows the citizen of this country to profess the faith which he considers as the best. The parochial schools have actually adopted the principles of the American Constitution, which they put into practice by teaching us principles of religion, thus protecting us from atheism. The public schools, on the other hand, have no opportunity for teaching or applying these principles.


    These and similar questions are answered by the author himself as follows: "It is not necessary to answer these questions for history has already answered them. It suffices to mention the history of the Polish National Alliance in the United States."

    The history of the Polish National Alliance has not, as yet, come to an end. The next convention will reveal how sad its condition is. Its history, however, has nothing to do with the question of schools and education.

    The following statement is evidently a conclusion reached by the author of the article: "Only public schools can provide us with the assurance that our children will at least learn what is taught in the parochial schools and, in addition, how to understand and properly appreciate the institutions of our country."

    The textbooks, the courses, the satisfactory results of entry examinations taken by the pupils of the parochial schools at higher institutions of learning, among them the United States Military Academy at West Point--all of these prove that in the parochial schools the students learn at least as much as 8pupils do in the public schools, and that they do learn how to understand and properly appreciate our institutions.

    But the foregoing statement may be reversed to read: "Only the parochial schools can provide us with the assurance that our children will at least learn what is taught in the public schools, and, in addition, will learn the principles of religion and their native tongue." The author should not maintain "that no one prohibits the establishment of special schools at which only the Polish language and Polish history, but no religion, would be taught." Should we send our children to two schools?

    Let us accept the principle that the study of religion, of the native tongue, and of the language of the country are not secondary subjects. We will then recognize the importance of the parochial schools, because if any of these subjects is considered to be of secondary importance in the upbringing of our children, then the latter will not grow up into citizens of whom we should be proud.

    In the last issue of Nowe Zycie (New Life), which under its new editor has abandoned its extreme socialistic principles, we find a lengthy article with the above title. The ...

    I A 2 a, I A 1 a, III H, III G, I J
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- January 11, 1892
    Mass-Meeting Backfire (Editorial)

    Mr. Tamillo, in his long articles in Nowem Zyciu (New Life) concerning the "Great Protest" held at the Polish hall at St. Stanislaus Kostki's Parish, states that he was slighted by Father V. Barzynski and the Dziennik Chicagoski. He declares that he, as an American citizen, was forbidden to speak in spite of the fact that the Constitution of the United States permits freedom of speech. It is his contention that this incident has added injury to insult; in fact, that it is contrary to everything Father Barzynski has said.

    We impart this information to Mr. Tamillo: The secretary of the mass meeting held January 1 at Bradley Street near Division, took down the minutes without the aid of anyone. If Mr. Tamillo refers in his articles to the words in his attempted speech that "If we would not have had Moses, then we would not have had God." We inform him that these words were stricken from the record by the secretary because they were out of order, even if uttered by Mr. Tamillo. He cannot deny that he said "Who gave us God?


    Moses gave us God!" These words were spoken by him when he was given permission to get on the speaker's stand. The entire assemblage responded to this statement with laughter and derision, not Father Vincent Barzynski alone. There were two thousand witnesses to this act and it was the duty of Father Barzynski to restore order amidst the increasing confusion. The speaker was declared out of order and ordered off the stand. It was his duty as an American citizen to put an end to this speech, the principles of which were un-American in that they denied the existence of God. They were the words of an atheist, not only blasphemous but atheistic, a denunciation of religious belief and a negation of God. This is how the stubborn and fanatic atheists will argue, including Buechner, Haeckle, e tutti quanti, because they want to prove somehow that God did not create man but that man created God through his own imagination. They not only preach this, but they also publish books on the subject, as if they were great prophets among whom Moses created God for the people, a god about whom nothing was known or believed before. Therefore, this assertion that "Moses gave us God" is n and against the foundations of Americanism.


    We want to believe that Mr. Tamillo believes differently from what he said. Yet, speakers who say one thing and mean another should be taken off the speaker's stand because the audience would not understand their statements, since listeners hear what the speaker states and not what he believes, thinks and practices. The words spoken by Mr. Tamillo were far above this; they were not only blasphemous but revolting to such an extent that the audience rebelled against them, showing that they did not desire to listen further to his remarks. All were indignant because they were Catholics, citizens of the United States and because this was an insult to their intelligence.

    Mr. Tamillo, in his long articles in Nowem Zyciu (New Life) concerning the "Great Protest" held at the Polish hall at St. Stanislaus Kostki's Parish, states that he was slighted ...

    III C, I C, I J
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- January 19, 1892
    Difference of Opinion in the Polish Press (Editorial)

    The Nowe Zycie (New Life) newspaper, which had left the controversial rank of journalistic publications has recently entered the polemic field once again. This paper was adverse to many of the issues confronting the Polish people and because of this it was necessary for the publishers to reorganize the editorial staff. Reorganization brought only momentary peace. This antagonistic attitude is very painful. Painful, because such should exist among our own people, or such that call themselves Poles, who think and write in this direction. This stand is not only non-religious but also atheistical. And this is the stand that the New Life has adopted. Now it is no longer twisting facts; it has shed its cloak of shame and very plainly prints falsehoods.


    In Mr. Tamillo's articles, which are unnecessary, a statement is made that the Constitution of the United States permits one to believe or not to believe in God. We have never mentioned the Constitution in this respect. At any rate the United States' Constitution does not allow a particular religion to dominate not does it favor the setting up of any existing faith, for the proponents would not permit such thought to seep into its construction. Our mention was only about the laws of the various states. Here, one will invariably find in these laws or criminal codes, the right to impose sentence on those who deny the divine right of God. There is also found in some State Constitutions the privilege of denying the right of a person to hold public office if he does not believe in God. The opening of every United States Congress is an outstanding example in this direction.


    Whenever Congress or the State Legislature opens its sessions, a prayer is offered to God for assistance.

    In the opening paragraph of the article in the New Life, a statement is made again which tries to prove that a reconciliation between the Polish National Alliance and the Polish Roman Catholic Union is impossible. This is a strange statement and we doubt whether the organization of the Alliance is going to be thankful to the New Life for this because it is of such a bearish nature. It starts out with the tyranny of Father V. Barzynski and concludes with the absurd statement "without the authorization of anyone else". Father Barzynski proposes this settlement of differences and exchange of the olive branch.

    Further in the article, the right of these two groups to come to peaceful 4terms is questioned. It is asserted that "the Alliance is the flesh of our nationalism" and that "the other is religious." Because, as it is alleged, the Roman Catholic Union is endeavoring to rebuild the former holiness of the Roman Catholic church ....Therefore, all national activity arranged by societies connected with the latter, the schools that are being built by the members, all the contributions that have been made are steps toward the rebuilding of the old order of the Church of Rome.

    Or perhaps - a favorable phrase of this paper - all the work of this organization is being done for the here purpose of pulling the wool over the people's eyes and "that which it does not do is actually their aim and policy."


    "The Alliance is making an effort to establish Polish culture here on par with that of other nationalities, while the Union is trying to keep the people filled with superstitious beliefs and ignorance, and through ignorance in servitude." This is how the New Life is trying to intimidate the Polish Roman Catholic Union. "It is exerting a power to keep religious beliefs instilled in the people."

    It is apparent that the New Life is trying to get rid of religious beliefs and create a non-religious condition, leading to atheism, and followed by anarchistic tyranny and nihilism!

    According to the Nowa Reforma (New Reform), the Dziennik Chicagoski sins 6in its sententious remarks on certain issues. How the Dziennik Chicagoski desires that this were unnecessary! But is it likely to be silent if there is continual misunderstanding within the ranks? Can there be a way to harmony and unity if this confusion is going to be more entangled by the smaller papers whose venom constantly drips upon the fire of the happiness of the people? Can this paper, which is not entirely colorless, for it has certain qualities and truths to bring out in order to attain this peace, keep silent while some other newspaper tries to smear these truths with mud? Would not the read of admitting the erroneousness of these controversies lead to smoother pavements?

    The Nowe Zycie (New Life) newspaper, which had left the controversial rank of journalistic publications has recently entered the polemic field once again. This paper was adverse to many of ...

    II B 2 d 1, I A 2 c, III C, I C, I J
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- January 27, 1892
    One More Word Relative to the Protest Action (Editorial)

    Articles of a polemic nature are beginning to appear in Polish journals published in many parts of the United States relative to the manifesto issued by the Committee of Fifteen, which was organized by Father V. Barzynski, as a result of a meeting at the New Polish hall on January 15. The articles compounded at this session were printed verbatim in this paper the following day, and carried the collective ideas of those present in protest against the barbarous and abominable treatment of our people by the Muscovites. Although no one dares to deny the evident justness of the protest, some, nevertheless, express doubt for a repeated continuation at the present moment, and believe that whatever steps were taken already, will be sufficient.

    From a free discussion upon important questions, a light has been brought 2into view that spreads doubt upon those of the public who have been convinced of the matter on hand, yet are hesitant, despite the fact that the public, as a whole, has passed its mature opinion upon the subject. This has been proven by reversing the questions.

    The objections raised against the patriotic thought taken up by the Chicago committee have been victoriously repelled, and has finally merited the establishment of a counter plea. Let there be freely added to this discussion a few statements in order to clarify both sides of the issue.

    At the head of all this, we will place Father Vincent Barzynski, whose right as a priest to participate in this mentioned protest, which has been marked with the political stamp, has been questioned by an unjust attack.

    Polish clergy has always lead the way for the continuation of patriotism 3among our people. It has comforted the citizens during the dreadful days of trouble and strife. It has appeased their anxiety during their endless wanderings on the cross-roads of life. It has brought relief to those in pain and despair. In comparison to other classes of people, we had a like number of heretics and traitors. No group has distinguished itself equally on the grounds of consecration, or plucked as many thorns and palms of martyrdom. This continues even today. There is more anger thrown upon the Polish, and more oppression inflicted upon them now than at any other time. This is also true of those under the Russian dominance. The priest, because he has answered a calling, and sacrificed his life to God and the people, is faced with direct poverty, deprived of the many privileges, and subjected to endless police investigation.

    If we will turn back the pages of Polish history to the last years of dying republicanism, we will find Fathers Krasinski, Konarski, Stasycz, Naruszowicz, and Kollataj, making a bold attempt to ease the burdens of 4religious belief, making a change in social reform, and improving the education of the younger generation. And why should not these same brilliant virtues be imitated by our present day Polish clergy?

    Polish ideals have always been united and inseparable with the ideals of Catholicism. It would be useless to separate them. Poland's cause would be mortally wounded by this severance from Roman Catholic religion. This makes the connection of the Church with Poland indispensable.

    This is readily realized by our enemies, therefore, they, above anything else, prey upon the representatives of the church. Our people, filled with the traditions of Poland, try to emulate them. There is no sophistication attached to this, only the pure logic of the common individual. They follow the concepts of their people, of their religion, and their clerical representatives.

    Therefore, Father Barzynski, whose efforts to establish the Polish 5emigrant in America, are well-known to every Pole, has a perfect right to help the Polish people abroad. And if he is the initiator of this idea, all the better. He took into his hands the entangled threads of Polish affairs and interests in America, organized a great center for them in Chicago, where many other nationalities had a foothold, managed the affairs of many of his parishioners, and gained knowledge of the attitudes of his group in his parish. Having an understanding of the religious attachment of the Polish people, he had in many respects an opportunity to also find out about their feeling for the Poland of old, and her oppressed people. Realizing their desires, and seeing that they did not know how to go about to help their suffering brothers in Russia, or where to go to get this aid, Father Barzynski came to their assistance. His helping hand was unanimously accepted by them.

    The following is the conservative conception of a persistent protest, and its results. A collective protest of all the Poles in America against the actions of Russia, as a primary political act, will bring 6about a favorable result. It will not only bring into the picture the importance of this protest to the many other nationalities living under the wing of liberty, but it will also present a better picture of Poland and her people. It will take fire like a prairie blaze, and spread quickly throughout the country, and throughout the world. This universal notoriety will bring about a new political factor to be reckoned with.... for the world a new picture.... for Russia an unexpected move. This action will be both Christian and human. It will gain the recognition of Americans, who hate tyranny and inhuman treatment of people. This action will also gain unlimited gratitude from our people in Russia, who are under the clutches of a merciless tyrant.

    A majority of the Poles in America have come from Galicia and Prussia. They are not familiar with the crack of the Tsar's whip, which is wielded upon the Poles under his command. It was to their good fortune that they were able to leave the ranks of their brothers, and come to this country to prosper under its democratic rule. Because of this good fortune, they 7ought to join hands with other Polish people living in the United States, and show to the civilized world the monstrosity and vileness of the Russian rule.

    Why should this group stay dormant relative to the joint action of this protest? To offer a helping hand, would be the least they could do against the officially announced and notorious slogan of the Tsar. His statement, "Wipe out everything that is Polish under our rule," reverberated throughout Europe. Why should they tolerate such barbarous ambitions?

    This unpardonable war against a helpless people is imperiling them with extermination. It also endangers the position of the Pole in the eyes of the world. Here in America, we are not so much concerned about historical rights guaranteed by treaties or the privileges of the people, as once existed before the insurrections. However, there is great concern 8about our race, about the self-existence of our people who are being subjected to a systematic scheme, which in the end, will wipe out their existence entirely. A system of cruelty unheard of to the present day in the annals of Christian history.

    There are going to be many objections presented against this protest. However, they will come from a source unfamiliar with the true circumstances. These will be the first ones to voice objections against the idea of a joint protest of the Christian world against the Muscovites. Yet, never in the one hundred year reign of Tsars in Russia was there ever a more shameful mistreatment of people, and against the right of God.

    It is not surprising that as soon as this news of the Tsar's actions reached European countries, and crossed the vast expanse of the Atlantic ocean our people in America became pierced with consternation.


    Tasting the seed of freedom, sharing the liberty that was so well-founded by Washington and Franklin, and upheld by Lincoln, we began to realize what it really means to live on free soil. Our hearts recoiled upon hearing of the severe blows dealt to our people by the hand of the Russian government, of the enforcement of merciless and drastic laws, not mentioning the wilfulness and abusiveness of the barbarous gangs.

    If you will picture in mind the green meadows, the fields of clover which were cultivated by the bloody perspiration of our forefathers, and the pine groves, and compare it with present pillaging of this land and people, you will have some conception of the present situation. And if you will take the one time splendor of the banks of the Vistula, the beauty of the Bug, and the glory of Niemen and present it to the people, and imprint upon their minds the destruction of these lands, along with the buildings and murdering of people, you will be doing yourself and your countrymen an honorable favor.


    A joint protest in this respect will bring the Polish people honor and respect of the entire world. A democratic loving people have always sympathized with those trying to gain the freedom they have lost. The many nationalities in the United States cannot but admire such action of a minority group, for they value the freedom offered them by their adopted country. This stand for the martyred people abroad will create for them a better position as a group in the American scheme of things. We will be regarded with high esteem, out of which will evolve many happy returns.

    This protest action will give out people for the first time an opportunity to voice their protests, which will be heard by all in America and the world at large. This blended voice, filled with the ardour and love for what is Polish, will reach the ears of other Poles scattered the world over. With their cooperation, our voice will quickly span the ocean like a flash of electricity, and reach its goal quicker than a dispatch sent by the ocean 11cable, and give the unfortunate Pole under Russian dominance a ray of hope. This will awaken them from their sleep of the martyred, drive out their pessimism, and restore in them the determination to withstand the ravages of the mad Muscovites. The joy of becoming free will envelop them once again.

    Political quietism, or passive idleness, followed by factions in some countries, has brought about a succession of slothfulness and work abandonment. There is never a moment in the life of a group of people when political thought cannot be reformed, when enacted laws for adequate social action cannot be revised. It never pays to be idle, if one wants to progress. "Per angusta, ad angusta," little but constant deeds will bring great results, providing it is practiced by all with exertion and enthusiasm. Always with God and forward with God!

    Then one of the most important facts to be remembered by our people 12during times of peace is to train itself through such rigorous disciplinary action as to be fit and able to step forth with greater action and decision in case any endangering problems are to be faced. If we would once and for all shed our old habits, which waste our energy and secure our means of existence. This kind of indulgence only leads it to tug at the rope in many directions at once, instead of in one direction. If it would only learn to follow the teachings, which are clear as crystal, of those that fight for the continuation of patriotism, and not listen to the scatter-brained philosophers. If it only persued instruction on a small scale, it would be able to prepare itself for the great events, throw its sword into the arena of world events, and turn the tide of events to our side.

    At the present time, as a dusky veil is covering our horizon, which blights out the least enlightening ray of hope, a voice comes to our assistance from a source least expected. It comes from those that have been forced to go elsewhere to eke out a living because of economic conditions, and 13who were thrown upon the uncertain fields of emigration. These Poles that came to this country under such circumstances had to make the best of anything, without any one's help. They struggled to cut a niche in the American scheme of things alone.

    These are the ones that are a shining example of what can be accomplished by our people. It ought to be followed by all our people, because it teaches self-help. This spirit, so predominant in the Anglo-Saxon peoples, is lacking in our people here in America. In public matters, we have always turned to strange hands, never realizing that this kind of action lessens our position in public affairs, and unmindful of the fact that if we do not do things on our own initiative, and exert our own energy in lifting ourselves from our misfortunes, no one else will. This is proven by the news of our fallen credit from the financial markets. In London's Lombard Street, and the Wall Street of New York City, where precarious business enterprises are readily advancing money, our credit has fallen to zero. These financial centers would not give 14us three pence. It is apparent that no one is interested in our cause enough to take a small risk.

    Therefore, it is necessary for us to get into action. Actions are more readily recognized than arguments. The adage, 'Actions speak louder than words,' is known to many. All the Poles in America should join the ranks of those who have started in this direction by a representative few. A protest of this kind will serve a twofold purpose. It will be beneficial to us, and it will show to the eyes of other peoples that the Poles are progressive.

    In order to become victorious in our aims, we must follow the example of those who have joined the protest by becoming thoroughly familiar with the situation. We must school and educate ourselves in self-support, self-help, plus the pluck and daring of our forefathers. Although we have brought with us our poverty from our native land, we have an opportunity to rise above this in this free nation. Despite 15our hardships, We are beginning to see a way to the clear road of success and happiness. We try to accumulate knowledge in the public schools, take interest in the affairs of the United States, and also direct our attention to our people abroad. In the latter direction, we are doing the best we can under the present circumstances. With this start, we are able to send a little ray of hope across the seas. Our voice will be heard along all the frontiers of civilization, and our protest will be considered before the tribunal of public opinion.

    Our efforts in America will be pleasing to God, for they have flowed with smoothness and decorum. We should never forget in our troubles the prayer of Jesus Christ in the garden asking for strength from his Father.

    Almighty God, take away from us this cup of bitterness, and deliver us from the evil of our enemies!

    Articles of a polemic nature are beginning to appear in Polish journals published in many parts of the United States relative to the manifesto issued by the Committee of Fifteen, ...

    I C, I A 1 a, I B 4, I F 4, I F 6, III C, III H, I H, I J
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- February 17, 1892
    The Kosciuszko Monument Association (Editorial)

    Brotherly help, the preservation of native traditions, the everyday use of their mother tongue, and the elevation of their people to a parity in world affairs are unquestionably the highest ideals of any nationality group and of any patriotic person.

    The recognition of those men who have done outstanding work in their respective fields follows in the footsteps of tradition. Accomplishments of benefit to mankind, such as those in religion, militarism, medicine, and literature, should be remembered. Those who worked for the betterment of mankind should be treated with the greatest respect. They deserve to be immortalized because by so doing the result of their efforts will continue to be alive before the eyes of the people. Those who have regard for their own people and their freedom, will not only worship these great men, but will also try to emulate them. They will not only preserve the memory of 2the great, but also spread their good will [toward them] to others, thereby helping to bring men closer together.

    The outstanding events of history are the deeds of noble persons who have sacrificed their lives for their people and humanity. It is these deeds that awaken in the individual the desire to do great things. No project, no matter how large its capital or how great its benefit to mankind, can compare with a great man. It is true that capital draws interest and some projects are beneficial, but all this is not as important as the moral lesson the people get from the example of the great. Their work, even after death, remains immortal in the minds of posterity. The striving of the people to better the mental horizons of mankind spreads through and grows richer with the ages. The elevation of a nation from the quagmire of life to the field of action and recognition, is also a feat of inestimable value to its people. The instilling of hope, knowledge, and patriotism, coupled with the enrichment of tradition, tends to bring to the forefront not only the people, but also the country. The greater the 3accomplishments in this direction, the richer the people become in spiritual, moral and patriotic values. All this helps to promote a better living standard, a better outlook on life, and a desire to do creative work. Each individual effort, each individual accomplishment, is another stone to the pillar of national fame. The quality of material used in building this tower reflects the accomplishments of a people. It shows how the people live and think, what they want, and how they expect to get it.

    Among the men recorded in our history, we find those who have done a great deal helping to promote patriotism by offering their lives to free the people and their country. Through their efforts, the people were brought closer together and helped to improve living conditions. Polish great men have shown their people that a son of Poland is as fit to take part in the affairs of the world as the son of any other nationality.

    Thaddeus Kosciuszko was such a great man. He has not only become a brilliant figure in his native country, but also abroad. Through his military endeavors, he has won the hearts of his people and of others.


    As the years pass, his noble and heroic endeavors become more famous and his desire to create a democracy for his country becomes stronger than ever. In the hearts of our younger generation, his memory is becoming more respected each day. Who among us does not want to see the realization of his dreams? Who does not care to see our people free again and on equal standing with others? Who does not want to see the defeat of despotism? The answer to these questions is gaining momentum every hour.

    The oppressed are not able to stand any longer the barbaric [treatment to which they are being subjected] and have left their shackles behind to search for a more pleasant place in which to live. Most of them went far beyond the borders of their country, across the vast expanse of the ocean, to seek a better livelihood. Many sought the protective shores of America, made free by George Washington. It was here that Washington and Kosciuszko fought hand in hand to make America what it is today. Kosciuszko's heart must have foreseen that his participation in helping a country free itself 5 6would someday benefit his own people. His accomplishments have actually helped Poland and her people to be regarded as great lovers of freedom.

    It is here that most of our people have emigrated. At the present time, there are over half a million Poles in the United States. Most of them, if not all, ought to take part in a cause [the object of which is] to perpetuate the name of a native son [of Poland]. They ought to show Kosciuszko their kindness, just as Kosciuszko showed his for them.

    Since the dawn of civilization, man has always built memorials for his outstanding sons. Why should we not follow this age-old example?

    We can show to other nationality groups how much we love and respect the memory of the man who, in addition to defending his own native country, was instrumental [to the success of] the American forces. Let us erect him a monument, but let us all share in its cost. Let every Pole, regardless of social standing, do his part by signing his name to the document in which are listed the names of those wishing to pay homage to the Polish hero.


    One can do its part by taking part in a wholesale demonstration, by making a cash contribution, and by signing his or her name on the proposal. In this manner we will build a pedestal for posterity. To the world at large, it will show that we all love, honor, and desire liberty just as much as the great leaders. We can also show that we can progress as a solid group; that we know how to stand for our rights and how to voice our opinion in protest against any violence; and that there is a great number here ready to defend the right of religious expression and liberty.

    The Kosciuszko Monument Association embodies all these principles and tries to build a monument in honor of Kosciuszko in one of the parks of Chicago. The board of directors urges all Polish societies, clubs, and groups to take part in this honorable cause. All liberty-loving individuals can play an important role by giving [this movement] their wholehearted support. If all of us take part in this movement, we can make it a reality in a short while.


    Paul O. Stensland, a prominent banker of Chicago and a director of the Columbian Exposition, has furnished a twenty-thousand-dollar bond for the association. Mr. Stensland is a member of the association's board of directors.

    All contributions are welcome. Send them to Mr. Szopinski's office, 559 Noble street, Chicago.

    Meetings are held every week, and the progress of this organization will be periodically announced to the public.

    The following are members of the board of directors: E. Z. Brodowski, Michael Majewski, Wladyslaw Smulski, John F. Smulski, Dr. Casimir Midowicz, Michael La Buy, Paul O. Stensland, Max Dzemala, and Leon Szopinski.

    Brotherly help, the preservation of native traditions, the everyday use of their mother tongue, and the elevation of their people to a parity in world affairs are unquestionably the highest ...

    II C, III B 2, III A, I J, IV
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- March 29, 1892
    The Monument Project (Editorial)

    The project undertaken by Chicago Poles to raise funds to erect a statue of Kosciuszko in one of the city parks deserves praise and support.

    In this materialistic world of ours, where beautiful ideals are short lived, where our brilliant past is getting obliterated from our minds, where there is a continual severance from our forefathers' principles and spirit of endurance, this patriotic attempt merits applause. The spirit of our youth, especially of our immigrant parents, has cooled considerably in the appreciation of the endeavors, struggles, sacrifices, and heroisms of our forefathers. Today, as the current of materialism is enveloping the world, our youth is snatched by its undercurrent, and as it rises to think for itself, it finds only a smattering of Polish tradition. Yet, out of this materialistic chaos, a noble and praiseworthy project has been born.


    We firmly and emphatically aver that the Pole of today still carries a warm feeling in his heart for patriotic ideals and remembers those who have, either by pen, word, might, or sacrifice, brought fame to their country and earned credit for their accomplishments.

    At present we are entering a period which marks the one hundredth year of our last day of freedom. The century mark is about to pass that marks the time when three greedy enemies tore asunder our country to perpetrate dastardly crimes at the expense of our forefathers. Our country was eradicated from the face of the map of free peoples. Our forebears were placed in a tomb. The once freedom-loving Poles were shorn of their privileges and placed in shackles of servitude. The flower of our people either perished on the field of battle for freedom or succumbed on the field of exile of the frozen Siberian steppes.


    However, this one hundredth anniversary, although sad to the hearts of all Poles, has not passed without praise. Our heroes and martyrs who gave up their lives for a national cause are our pride and joy today, for they have shown to the world the kind of metal the Poles are made of, despite the loss of their country.

    At the head of these heroes we place our immortal leader, Thaddeus Kosciuszko. If we have fallen, we have fallen with honor and praise. "Tout est perdu, hor l'honneur." All is lost, but honor. We can rightfully use this French saying in our case.

    The praise and honor of salvation have been exemplified by our hero, Kosciuszko, who was the first to rally our provincial people under the banner of the white eagle; the first to strike at the enemy with scythes. By the might of the scythes, he captured the cannon of the archenemy and fought until the last drop of his blood gave out. He gave up because of 4the superior forces of the invaders, but he fell like a hero, fighting to the last minute, just as long as there shined a ray of hope.

    Thaddeus Kosciuszko fought not only for the freedom of his people but also for the freedom of our adopted country. The battlefields of two worlds saw his heroic prowess, and on American soil he won undying fame.

    Noble and true is the idea that the Poles in the United States want to pay tribute to this great man by erecting a bronze statue in his memory.

    Just as the proponents of this project, who have come to the front to defend the honor of our hero and country, we wholeheartedly pledge our support to make it possible for the day when all of us will commemorate the one hundredth anniversary of our struggle for freedom.


    In connection with this noble cause, we have been entertaining an idea that we would like to express to our readers. We want to present this idea without any pretense at obstructing or condemning other plans. We would rather have the public take it as a frank, open statement submitted to their judgment.

    Our hero, Thaddeus Kosciuszko, above all, fought for the freedom of Poland, of whom he was a son. He also fought for the freedom of America, but as a friend and worshiper of those who love freedom.

    Our compatriots always remember the heroic deeds of this great patriot of freedom, and many statues in his honor have been erected throughout Poland. In the old palatial fortress of Wawel, many treasured relics of his are buried with the great men of Poland and many of his memorable letters and bulletins remain untouched in the archives. His tomb has been built with the aid of thousands of people, and it is for that reason that his name will live forever.


    In this country, Thaddeus Kosciuszko did not battle for the freedom of Poland, but for the freedom of America. At that time, when Polish blood was protecting the soil of the United States, no one ever gave a thought to the idea that the Poles would some day seek the protection of this land. This thought did not even occur to Kosciuszko, for he refused the vast grants of land offered him by Washington for his military prowess.

    Therefore the people in America ought to build him a monument. If the United States is so liberal in building statues to war heroes whose deeds do not compare with Kosciuszko's while under the command of Washington, then it would be a noble gesture on its part to pay its respects to him for his services.

    The hospitality bestowed upon our hero was not because of his meritorious deeds, but because it was customary. Thousands of others were feted to a 7greater extent, and yet they did not pretend to equal the feats of Kosciuszko. America does not praise the immigrants for their sacrifices and journey. Not at all! It is done primarily for the best interest of America. The immigrants are a great source of wealth because they work hard. Where would America be today without them?

    We repeat that we are not opposed to honoring our hero, but we would like to alter the form of memorial, that is, to erect one of such a character as to prove beneficial to the Polish immigrants.

    A monument is merely bronze; its value is idealistic, gaining momentary prominence and then fading with the years. Although the sacrifices would be great, its advantage to the people would be small, let alone the hero, for whom it would gain very little respect among our materialistic generation.


    But a monument erected in honor of our noble hero, with our money, for the purpose of helping our people, would be a greater and nobler memorial, one that would give assistance to the unfortunate immigrant Poles.

    During his life, Kosciuszko did not gather any laurels, passing them on to Napoleon, but his heart was always filled to the brim with Christian goodness and hospitality to all. His famous horse would stop, out of habit, before every beggar, for his master never avoided the poor.

    What pride and honor would a memorial institution bring to our hero and our people if it were to be erected on one of the better sites of Chicago with the inscription of "Kosciuszko's Polish Memorial Hospital!"


    This kind of monument would combine both praise for our hero and compassion for our suffering people. It would forever evoke prayers of thanks for the soul of Kosciuszko. This, in reality, would be the best memorial, aere perennius, more lasting than bronze! In this memorial shelter, those getting relief from their pains would forevermore extol words of thanks to him.

    The project undertaken by Chicago Poles to raise funds to erect a statue of Kosciuszko in one of the city parks deserves praise and support. In this materialistic world of ...

    II B 2 c, II D 3, III F, III G, I C, I J