The Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey was published in 1942 by the Chicago Public Library Omnibus Project of the Works Progress Administration of Illinois. The purpose of the project was to translate and classify selected news articles that appeared in the foreign language press from 1855 to 1938. The project consists of 120,000 typewritten pages translated from newspapers of 22 different foreign language communities of Chicago.

Read more about this historic project.

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  • Zgoda -- September 24, 1890
    Town News

    Last week our reporter visited a picture frame company, owned by operated by a true Pole, Mr. Anthony Sowinski, located near Green St.

    It is without a doubt the largest Polish factory in America. It consists of one hundred fifty-five workers, all Polish. The net profit of this factory is over $200,000 a year.

    Last week our reporter visited a picture frame company, owned by operated by a true Pole, Mr. Anthony Sowinski, located near Green St. It is without a doubt the largest ...

    II A 2, I D 1 a
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- December 26, 1890
    The Chicago World's Fair (Editorial)

    At last the President has issued a proclamation regarding the opening of the World's Fair. It appeared on the 24th day of December, the day before Christmas.

    Better late than never. Undoubtedly, the Fair may yet be a great success. All that is necessary for its success is some good luck. There is no doubt that, as an American exposition, it will be great, positively unsurpassed by any European exhibition. At this fair the United States will have a splendid opportunity to show the world its great development during the last 115 years, and how far it has advanced in the field of inventions, especially in applied sciences. However, there is a doubt whether this exposition will surpass, or even be equal to, European expositions, especially the Parisian, in respect to art. There is no doubt that we have plenty of money, but whether we have enough ability and artistic taste for creating an exposition both great and beautiful, is a question.

    The criticism will be very severe, and we may take it for granted that European 2critics will not overlook even the smallest irregularity or mistake. But let us not judge too harshly. We have a number of able people who know how to put up a fair. They have some experience because they have visited other world fairs, and for American dollars it will be possible to secure a few European experts who have a good taste. Americans are very practical. They will know how to overcome this obstacle.

    Two questions arise, will this exposition deserve to be called a world's Fair, and will other countries participate in it? We wrote about this before and expressed our doubts. However, we are not infallible and hope that this time we will be false prophets.

    There is some consolation in the fact that, at the last election, the American nation opposed McKinley's Bill. Consequently, Europe may be appeased with the hope that the bill had only an ephemeral significance and will be forgotten in a short time.

    The majority of the stockholders of the Chicago Fair are also appeased because they feared that the exposition would not be open on Sundays, and 3that the sale of liquor would not be allowed at the Fair. These two obstacles have been removed by the directors of the Fair, thereby making the financial success of it possible, for experience teaches that fairs bring more profit on a Sunday than during the whole week. The proclamation of the President created a more cheerful attitude toward the matter.

    The proclamation is typically American, - business-like. Because we are very prosperous, we can afford to have a fair. Perhaps such proclamation will invite elegant European formalists to make satirical remarks, but on the other hand, it will encourage business men, for whom we care very much, and which is most important.

    At last the President has issued a proclamation regarding the opening of the World's Fair. It appeared on the 24th day of December, the day before Christmas. Better late than ...

    I C, I D 1 a, I B 1, I H
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- April 13, 1891
    Our Representative at Springfield John A. Kwasigroch Introduces an Important Bill at the State Legislature Proposing Protection of Working Women and Children (Summarized Editorial)

    The introduction of Congressman Kwasigroch's bill at the State legislature created great interest among the working class.

    Kwasigroch's bill proposes that no person under the age of eighteen, or a woman employed by a commercial house, should work longer than sixty hours a week or more than ten hours a day, with the exception when they have to make up time. No person under eighteen years of age, or a woman under twenty-one years of age, should work at public places after 9 P. M. or before 6 A. M. However employers will be allowed, by special permission, to employ persons over eighteen years old after 9 P. M. between the first Monday in December and the first Tuesday in January of the next year, providing that these persons are allowed 45 minutes for supper.


    Commercial houses in the State of Illinois shall not employ minors under fourteen years of age. Every employer shall keep a register in which must be recorded the name, age, place of birth, and the address of every minor under sixteen years of age, and such institutions shall not employ minors supply the employers with a sworn statement containing the age and birth date of their child. If the child has no parents or guardians, it must make such statement itself. These statements must be presented for examination to an authorized labor Department inspector.

    Every employer of minors under eighteen years of age, must exhibit in a conspicuous place a printed schedule showing the number of hours worked by each minor every week, and in every room where children under sixteen years of age are employed, the schedule must indicate also their names and ages. Commercial houses shall not employ children under sixteen years of age who cannot read and write easy sentences in the English language, 3except during the vacation time. Authorized Labor Department inspectors have the right to demand doctors' certificates showing the physical fitness of minors employed by commercial houses, and they also have the right to forbid the employment of minors who have no such certificates.

    The term commercial house used in this bill means every place or establishment where articles are sold for profit; hoever, it does not include small places where less than five persons are employed.

    The owners of commercial houses, or their agents, shall keep all elevators n goo order and use all precautions. The stairways of commercial houses shall be provided with suitable railing on both sides and the steps covered with rubber mats if necessary, according to the decision of safety inspectors. The stairs and stairways of commercial institutions must be free from all obstructions and the doors leading to them must open both ways, in and out, ad must not be locked during working hours. Commercial buildings of more 4than three stories must be provided with strong and safe iron fire-escapes, according to the specifications of safety inspectors. Safety inspectors have the right to condemn any dangerous or defective fire-escapes. The platforms of fire-escapes must be built under two windows of each story and in a convenient location. The stairs must be 24 inches wide and at a 45 degrees angle.

    The owners of commercial homes or their agents, must send a written report to safety inspectors of all accidents or misfortunes which may occur to their employees, not later than forty-eight hours after the accident. The report must contain all details of the accident. The inspectors will have the right to make an investigation and suggest any changes that may eliminate the recurrence of such accidents in the future.

    Every commercial institution must be provided with comfortable lavatories and toilets, which should be kept in a sanitary condition and well ventilated; 5and where women are employed, there must be a separate toilet room and a dressing room. The rest room where the lunches are eaten should be separated from the lavatories and toilets.

    Every employer is obliged to provide suitable seats for women employees, and they should be permitted to use them for health measures. Negligence of this duty by an employer will be considered a violation of the law.

    Commercial institutions are not allowed to employ women or children in basements that are unsanitary or damp on account of water seepage or that are filled with injurious gases, or condemned by Labor Department inspectors.

    Not less than 45 minutes must be allowed for lunch time in any commercial institution. The Labor Department inspectors, however, have the right to issue a written permission for a shorter lunch period if it is necessary at certain times of the year, but such written permission must be displayed at a conspicuous place.


    In this State Labor Department inspectors and their assistants are obliged to enforce these regulations and bring to justice those who disregard them; therefore, they have the right to inspect any commercial institution at any proper time and as often as necessary. Any owner or manager of any commercial institution who hinders, delays, inconveniences or resists such investigation is committing an offense. The Labor Department inspectors and their assistants will have the authority of a notary public in taking oaths in the course of their investigations.

    State's attorneys of every county in this State have the right, and it will be their duty, to prosecute at any court any person who violates these regulations, of such action is demanded by a Labor Department inspector or his assistant.

    Every person violating or neglecting these regulations, or employing minors in spite of them, shall be guilty of breaking the law and punished by a fine 7of not less than ten dollars and not more than one hundred dollars, or by imprisonment of not less than thirty days and not more than ninety days.

    A printed copy of these regulations should be displayed at every institution and at every location in this State where persons are employed to whom this regulation refers.

    This law is effective at once.

    The introduction of Congressman Kwasigroch's bill at the State legislature created great interest among the working class. Kwasigroch's bill proposes that no person under the age of eighteen, or a ...

    I H, I A 1 a, I D 1 a, I D 1 b, I B 2
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- May 09, 1891
    Kiolbassa on Top the Corn Exchange Bank Withdraws from the Syndicate Contract with 3 Banks Kiolbassa's Security Is Good and Sufficient

    Treasurer Kiolbassa's actions arouse greater interest at present than those of any other official. Kiolbassa's fight with certain parties concerning the disputed question, who shall decide about the disposals of money," reached a new stage yesterday. With the aid of his lawyer, he succeeded in inflicting a serious blow to the Bank syndicate, composed of six member banks, by inducing the Corn Exchange Bank to withdraw. He made an independent contract with the Corn Exchange Bank, the Union National, and the American Trust and Savings Bank, wherein he agrees to deposit the City's funds with the above institutions, and to pay 2 1/2% for the loaned money, even more, during periods of a money stringency. The three Banks, which now function instead of the original six, selected by the City Council, have subscribed to, and provided 15 million Dollars security for Kiolbassa's bond.

    The treasurer reiterated that he will promptly pay all accruing interest, and at present his promise cannot be doubted. He, his lawyer and his bondsmen realized their wishes. They threw the Dixon ordinance over-board. According to Corporation counsel Miller, some of its stipulations were illegal anyway. He brought the facts to light yesterday, so they helped to dissolve the syndicate and upheld their right to select the Banking houses they desire.


    Kiolbassa is master of the situation, his work is done, so he said. But his adversaries, more correctly speaking the aldermen who believe that the City council alone has the right to select the banks, still have some work to perform. They intend to try again, on Monday evening, to reawaken the controversy over the Dixon ordinance but they do not feel certain that they will succeed..... His security amounts to $15,405,000.

    Treasurer Kiolbassa's actions arouse greater interest at present than those of any other official. Kiolbassa's fight with certain parties concerning the disputed question, who shall decide about the disposals of ...

    I F 4, IV, I D 1 a
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- August 08, 1891
    Ameryka (Editorial)

    One of our readers has asked us to comment on the statement, made recently in St. Louis by the editor of Ameryka, to the effect that "Ameryka is the best Polish newspaper in this country". The reader asks if it is true, as claimed, that Ameryka aids in the intellectual development of its readers, that it publishes only the truth, that it is entirely patriotic, and that other newspapers are supported by millionaires for the purpose of oppressing the poor people and keeping them in ignorance. He asks us also to verify the allegation that Ameryka is a socialist journal.

    That Ameryka is a socialist journal is quite true, and we are certain that the editor will admit the fact himself. Not long ago, this journal published a series of articles written from a viewpoint of extreme socialism, a viewpoint rightly considered dangerous by people of deep religious convictions.


    That the journal in question publishes fables and clumsy falsehoods which no one can believe, can be proven by an article which appeared in Ameryka recently, and to which we replied in our paper. In that article, there was a false statement concerning a publishing company which publishes a daily newspaper, a large weekly on Sundays, and many books. The article claimed that this company employs in its printing establishment only orphans from the orphan asylum, and keeps them under the supervision of a person who "does not know how to hold a stick in his hand" and who works every day, including Sunday, till 11 P.M., at a salary of eight or ten dollars a week.

    That Ameryka is not a Polish patriotic newspaper but rather Russian in its sympathies can be substantiated by the fact that, not long ago, Ameryka offered its readers portraits of the czar and czarina of Russia as a premium for a subscription to a certain Russian newspaper. This indicates very clearly to what extent this journal is "the most intelligent and the best".

    Furthermore, Ameryka has no respect for our laws, for it sends indecent stories 3through the United States mail, in direct violation of the law. For a long time after laws had been passed forbidding lottery advertisements in the press, Ameryka continued to publish such advertisements, until the law finally intervened and put a stop to it.

    It is evident that Ameryka has no respect either for the laws of the United States or the feelings of the Poles.

    One of our readers has asked us to comment on the statement, made recently in St. Louis by the editor of Ameryka, to the effect that "Ameryka is the best ...

    II B 2 d 1, I D 1 a, III H, I E
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- February 05, 1892
    Polish-American Building and Loan Association Offers New Shares (Advertisement)

    An opportunity is opened to all to take out shares in the Polish-American building and Loan Association bank. A new series has started, paying good dividends. Both young and old, rich and poor, can benefit.

    Shares costing $100 may be obtained by paying twelve and a half cents a week, or for ten shares ($1000.00) $1.25 per week.

    Money placed in our bank draws six per cent interest per annum.

    Meetings are held every week at 8 P.M., at John Karasek's Hall, Dickenson and Blackhawk Streets. Those interested are invited to attend any of these meetings and convince themselves about the advantages of this plan.

    An opportunity is opened to all to take out shares in the Polish-American building and Loan Association bank. A new series has started, paying good dividends. Both young and old, ...

    I D 1 a
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- May 21, 1892
    The Middle Road Is the Best (Editorial)

    The people of America have seen in the past few months how harmful are the policies and politics of the so-called protective tariff, that is, high duties placed on imported products. This practice has brought profits principally to the capitalists. In England, on the other hand, we find that the [existing] conditions are in direct opposition to ours from the standpoint of tariff. The economists and political forces of Great Britain, although not as yet numerous, but nevertheless well-informed in their particular field, have come to the conclusion that the so-called free trade is unprofitable for the country. Lord Salisbury had the courage to oppose this opinion openly and to support his statements with proofs. A statement of that type could mean as much as the fall of the Salisburean cabinet. The English have learned to believe too strongly in the doctrine that free trade is the most beneficial to a 2country and could not be convinced by any argument that the opposition might offer.

    Lord Salisbury was undoubtedly justified in his statement when he said that other nations would enact protective tariffs. Great Britain with her free trade, which has truly been the important factor in making her the greatest trade power in the world, today, in the face of actual warlike tariffs, finds herself disarmed. If some reform in this matter is not brought in, and in the very near future, then she is in danger of declining in power at the source which first gave her ascendancy. It is, beyond doubt, one of the most complicated economic questions that a civilized nation ever had to solve, namely, what is more beneficial to a nation: a protective tariff or free trade? The proper answer to this, as in many other similar questions, lies somewhere in the middle. The difficulty, however, lies in finding this medium.


    Even if some one were successful in deciding this matter in a manner convincing all followers of every party in any nation, despite this, the application of such theories in practice would prove to be unsatisfactory unless and until every nation accepted the same principle. Only a final internationally co-operative decision could solve this; but a great deal of time will elapse before it will ever reach that point.

    The Democrats in America, in their bitter opposition to protective tariffs, are supported by the history of trade and commerce. They point to the success of England and its free trade, and on the other hand, to the failure of Russia with its high tariff. Nevertheless, despite the fact that England has begun to consider free trade as being insufficiently beneficial to the nation in face of the high tariffs of other countries, the Democrats of the United States are perfectly justified when they demand, not free trade, but a proper and moderate "reform of tariffs." This type 4of reform is essentially the medium (via media) between the two detrimental extremes. Although it might be difficult to formulate the proposed reform in detail and in the most profitable way, nevertheless, it is undoubtedly better than a high tariff.

    In the near future the Dziennik Chicagoski will present a version of an excellently formulated work of the renowned economist, Henry George, entitled: "Protection or Free Trade?".

    The people of America have seen in the past few months how harmful are the policies and politics of the so-called protective tariff, that is, high duties placed on imported ...

    I D 1 a, II B 2 d 1
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- June 08, 1892
    Why Don't We Establish Associations?

    The question, "Why don't we establish associations?" should be asked by every Pole. Let us omit the other Polish communities and pause to consider the Chicago group. There are more than one hundred thousand Poles in this city. Many Polish citizens have lived in Chicago for over twenty years. Despite this fact, it is disappointing to find so few of the larger establishments and factories remaining in the exclusive possession of our people. True, there are several manufacturers and a few businessmen in our groups, but their transactions are conducted on a small scale. The gigantic German enterprises and even those of our "Jewish Poles" who have willingly settled in our communities, are beyond a comparison with the Polish businessmen.

    These good-natured and credulous people are easier to swindle than are the American "Yankees". Saloons are the one thing we have in abundance. These, in reality, are too numerous. Were some one to present a comparative chart 2drawn from the various national groups, the greatest percentage of saloons would fall within our group. It is doubtful whether this could be considered a benefit. In the first place, were one to judge by such statistics, the Poles would be considered as the greatest sots and drunkards, which, thank God, is not true. Secondly, the great number of saloons in the Polish sections have a very meager business. The saloonkeepers (especially the newer ones) have little business, and their future is not bright. This proves that our people are not such drunkards.

    One frequently hears statements and reads voluminous advertisements in the newspapers [to the effect] that the Poles should buy only from their own people. There is some truth in this. But do all the Polish businessmen exert their efforts toward giving as good quality at low prices as do the large stores and even the Jewish establishments in the city? This question remains unanswered. Attention is called to the fact that many of our people have been seen making purchases at the establishments of our most bitter enemies--the 3Germans--as well as at the places of those leeches--the Jews--who, it seems, would be willing to wander in search of Polish patronage even as far as Brazil. These Poles have often been requested to explain their failure to patronize their own people. The answer always was that the price was higher at the Polish stores and the selection not as great as in the city proper. Others, again, claim that all their purchases are made in the Polish stores exclusively--in reality, however, they do the same as the group just mentioned.

    Whose fault is this? The manufacturers and businessmen will answer: "not ours". The consumers also disclaim any responsibility, basing their contention [on the fact] that they prefer to do business where the quality is better and the price lower. It is not surprising, after all, that such an attitude prevails. An old maxim has it that "the undershirt is closer to the skin than the dress". It is surprising to discover that many of our people will immediately render an unfavorable opinion about a Polish store or manufacturer, even if their 4arguments for doing so are unfounded. The Polish manufacturers and businessmen, on the other hand, claim to be patronized mainly by other nationalities. They assert that it is impossible to rely upon Polish support alone. We concede that point. A shoe-store proprietor, for example, if his place of business is established in a cosmopolitan city, should endeavor to sell his merchandise to all and not limit his trade to his own people. A Pole cannot be accused of any lack of patriotism if he finds it necessary to patronize the German or Jewish establishments, however far away they may be. Despite the purchaser's good intentions, he is unable to secure the goods he needs in Polish stores. The fact that many Poles fill important posts in America, be it in the administrative or business spheres, will verify the statement that they are capable of conducting extensive enterprises. We must admit, however, that very few of the larger businesses are under Polish control. Small stores can exist in small settlements or towns, but in cities such as Chicago--if the [large and] prosperous firms do not engulf them--they will exist only from day to day, with no future. Some one 5might reply that requisite capital is necessary to conduct a larger business. It must be remembered, however, that the Irish, Germans, and Jews did not arrive here with the millions they now possess. They were as poor as we; but the difference at present is enormous. They own railroads, streetcars, gigantic factories and large stores; and what have we?....Smoke-filled saloons and....small grocery stores.

    Did we reach our simple and meager fortunes by an easier method than did the others their millions? Not in the least. Our ownership of homes, vacant lots or some type of business or factory--they are the result of our hard labor. The Poles have often denied themselves even the immediate necessities of life in order to save for their old age when they would be deprived of the strength to work. Our people have only on occasions allowed themselves simple pleasures, recreations that are due every laboring man. Despite this, the results of the efforts of our people are far smaller than those of the Jews, for example, who have seldom earned an honest dollar.


    Where does the cause of this evil lie? The national misunderstandings, lack of mutual confidence and the insane jealousies among our people might serve as an answer to this question. The Poles should organize into associations and conduct large enterprises. Only then will our people be in a position to withstand competition. When such a time arrives, the Poles will not search for strange gods--they will find them among themselves. The working people of Polish extraction will not be abused in the Irish or German factories because they will find employment among their own nationality. The Poles are not lacking in capable men. What they need is a little more confidence in their own people. They should not be of the opinion that everything made by Germans is good. There are plenty of German products of inferior quality.

    Let us consider, for example, the so-called real-estate enterprises. Who conducts this type of business and how is it managed? An association is formed of Irish or German capitalists. Millions of acres of land are purchased 7by this syndicate at a very low price. This property is then divided into farms or lots which are then sold at a higher rate to our people through Polish agents. Who, in this instance, realizes a greater profit, the agents or the syndicate? Naturally, the latter and the agents aid them in this. Were the Poles but to understand the enormous sums they have spent thus far to enrich the Germans in this manner--they certainly would organize similar associations themselves. All the lots in Hammond, Cragin, and other localities could be purchased by our people at a lower rate and would thus enrich our own group and not the strangers. The Poles would then become co-owners and not mere agents.

    It is possible to obtain the necessary funds for an enterprise of that nature. If some two hundred Poles combined and each of them set aside an average of five dollars per month, within one year a sum of twelve thousand dollars would be accumulated. A large tract of land could be purchased for thirty-six thousand dollars, using the twelve thousand dollars as a down payment. Monthly 8payments of one thousand dollars could then be made by this Polish association. The property thus obtained could be divided into lots or farms, independent of the debt, and then sold on easy payments in the same manner as the other nationalities are doing at present.

    This would show that a great deal more could be realized through such operations than from the type of businesses so common among our people. Yet, if the Poles even anticipated taking steps in this direction, they would receive nothing more than discouragement from their compatriots. Why? If the Poles sell farms as agents at a profit, why could they not sell Polish lots and farms at an equal remuneration?

    At one time, an organization consisting of lovers of the hunt was formed among the local Poles. This association wished to give a more practical purpose to their organization, based upon the American method. One of the provisions of their constitution required of every member that he acquire at 9least two shares of stock in a building bank. The money thus obtained was to have been used for the purchase of larger tracts of land which would then be divided into lots and farms. Originally, some forty members, with one hundred and four shares in all, enrolled into this association. It seemed at first that this idea would find general support and that every Pole who wished to save several dollars each month would subscribe to this organization. Unfortunately, several malicious individuals, who felt some personal indifference, began to make secret charges as to the sincerity of the association's purpose and its administration. Actions of this type only helped to disrupt the association to such an extent that at present, after an existence of a year and a half, many discontented members have withdrawn while others are obliged to wait indefinitely for the realization of their plans. If the Poles were not so eager to pass judgment, especially against their own brethren, they would pay no heed to the false tales of malicious people. They would attend one of the regular monthly meetings, examine the constitution and become convinced that the aims of this 10organization, as a whole, are honorable. The best proof of this is that the association had members who enjoyed a reputation for honesty not only among the Poles, but also among all the other nationalities residing in Chicago. Today, after an existence of a year and a half none of the former members of this association can charge that the Huntsmen's Organization acted unjustly toward him. No one can say that he was exploited and yet, despite this, the growth of the organization does not measure up to expectation.

    Surely no one considers the founder of some newly organized American association as the most important factor, but they do give serious thought to the organization's purpose and to the possibilities of its development. In this way, the association either grows or fails. In this respect the Polish point of view is reserved. A proposal to form an association brings forward many people antagonistic to it. They do not search for the reason for its organization, nor do they consider what beneficial prospects it may have. Their 11primary interest is in who is the originator of the movement, and then they become members for personal reasons; or, on the other hand, they obstruct its growth by malicious and unfounded gossip. Should such be the attitude? Is this patriotic behavior? No! A continuation of such views will only result in keeping Poles on a low level, while the Germans and Jews will continue to draw profits from our people.

    Relative to the Huntsmen's Organization, it is surprising to note the attitude of total disinterest among its members in matters of vital importance to the organization. Despite the acknowledged benefits derived from this association, the members neglect to attend meetings and refuse to participate in affairs. This attitude is detrimental and harmful to the possible passage of motions. True, there are those who actually have no time to attend, but there also are many who attempt to justify their indifference by placing the blame on a lack of time.


    The main purpose of this article is not so much to encourage the readers to enroll in any particular organization. Our foremost aim is to call this situation to the attention of all Poles, and prove to them that large capital can be created from small sums, from which vast estates can be purchased. The Poles have all the means necessary to organize such associations. These organizations would not be limited only to purchase of land but would extend to manufacturing and business ventures as well. Faith in the strength of the Polish people and a greater confidence in our brethren are all that is necessary. We admit that other nationalities are wealthier than our people, but none of us wish to search for the reason for this. We condemn every potential project ever undertaken by the Poles as being impossible for our people to achieve.

    A great deal more could be written on this question. Perhaps a more capable writer would wish to indicate the benefits of business associations. The sole purpose of this article was to point out the indolence of the Polish 13people in this respect.


    The question, "Why don't we establish associations?" should be asked by every Pole. Let us omit the other Polish communities and pause to consider the Chicago group. There are more ...

    I D 1 b, I D 1 a, II A 2, I B 1, III A, I C
  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- July 22, 1892
    Our Materialism in America

    The desire for bettering one's condition in America, which has caused our brothers to emigrate from their homeland, has here developed into a feverish desire for gold. Just as every passion blinds a man in his action, so also does the desire for gold compel many of us to close our eyes upon this: that such one-sided material direction retards our political and national development in America. It is true that one should strive to obtain money, without which life in the present time is almost impossible. But it is also true that a useless striving for money creates a fat materialist out of even a most perfect man. It creates a slave of money. The result is that such a man forgets about everything and, his nationality as well, being devoured only by the desire of possessing money. There are many such slaves among us, therefore, evidently, one concludes that many forget about our nationality and, as a result, bring about its stagnation.

    This is no place to speak of the crimes caused by the unnecessary passion 2for money, but of the harm that this desire causes to our nationality among respectable Poles. Naturally, this applies only to those who do not make contributions for national purposes in accordance with their wealth.

    We complain of the lack of unity among the Poles in America and this unfortunately, is justifiable. There are societies that have death and other benefit insurance for their members. Undoubtedly, they are good in themselves and we wish them great progress. However, how many societies are there which, without an assurance of any material benefit, would have a respectable number of members? Few, very few. Our Polish theatrical productions are played most frequently in the presence of a comparatively small number of spectators. Some begrudge the money--materialism--others would rather go to the saloon--materialism--finally, materialism will not allow others to see the great moral and national benefits, nor the arousing of the feeling of beauty that comes from the plays. If among the Poles residing in, let us say, the northern part of the City of Chicago, if only every tenth person appeared at every play, the disheartened, self-sacrificing amateur artists would not act in half-filled halls!


    How many members does the very useful Polish Welfare Association have? In proportion to the general amount of Poles, the number is insignificant.

    What can be said of our emigration home in New York? Every one has recognized its usefulness, many emigrants have received effective care and assistance, but materialism does not allow its successful development. Materialism does not permit everyone to bring financial aid to this home. From the one-and-a-half million Poles residing in the United States, at least $20,000 should come for this home in the first year, of which one-half could be turned over into an iron fund. But a frivolous love for money and for enjoyment, materialism, makes us inconsiderate, insensible to the fate of our arriving brothers, who are exposed to a purely Egyptian misery and slavery. Hence, our national stagnation and the subsequent political stagnation.

    We have spoken of our materialism manifesting itself in several public matters. Let us now pass over to private affairs. The fever of quick acquisition of wealth causes a majority of the Polish parents to send their children to work 4at hard labor as soon as possible, though they are not yet completely developed physically or morally, so as to bring in as much money as possible in the shortest space of time. The environment in which they find themselves, the words that they hear there, the labor too difficult for their undeveloped strength, create veritable physical and moral dwarfs of these Polish children. By so doing we will become slaves in this free America, the servants of other nationalities. Such action is particularly hostile to the acquisition of an education, and hence to a belated occupation of an important position among other nations. In America too, as elsewhere, and even faster, do conditions change. At present the father can get some sort of a job even without any higher education, but in about twenty years that will be an impossibility for his son. While the other national groups, as for example, the Germans progress so much higher in education, we retrogress because of the indifference of the parents toward the school, until, finally, the time will come when every passer-by will push us with contempt as a bad and worthless object.

    This same materialism manifesting itself in the desire for a rapid acquisition of wealth discourages the Polish youth in America from [learning] the Polish language; it causes the careless parents to send the Polish children to English 5schools in opposition to pedagogic, national and Christian principles, and as soon as they have received their first Holy Communion they turn them over to the shops and factories, where the corrupted atmosphere and even more corrupted moral conditions destroy our youth and render it worthless for Polish and American national political life. Hence our national and political stagnation, quick retrogression and approaching early downfall!

    This same materialism even destroys the family ties amongst us. The father and mother are elated that their son or daughter, though young, already earns so much; then they are able to pay "board" to the parents. Father and mother! You have gained a "boarder" but have lost a child. The meager money which you receive from him will tear away his love and respect for you. It will cause the child to be on an equal basis with you; it will cause him to renounce his obedience to you and shower you with insults because he already is an independent "boarder". We have seen instances where the children have evicted their father from the home because he did not contribute in any way or could not pay for his "board". It could not be otherwise; a family of that type is not a family [living] in accordance with the Divine 6will, but merely a "boarding-house." The laxity of family ties leads these families and an entire nation to moral, financial, and political degradation.

    Let us cast out from amongst ourselves this degenerated and shameful materialism; let our families base themselves upon the Divine law, which is opposed to materialism. Let us strive incessantly toward more elevating, honorable, and Divine goals, and then our political and national stagnation in America will come to an end.

    The desire for bettering one's condition in America, which has caused our brothers to emigrate from their homeland, has here developed into a feverish desire for gold. Just as every ...

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  • Dziennik Chicagoski -- September 22, 1892
    Republican "Beneficience" (Editorial)

    We have pointed out in previous articles that the Republican protective tariff is not based on sound principles. Let us give more details.

    Although the effects of the McKinley Tariff are so complex that it takes a specialist to understand them, we will explain them to our readers that they may understand the claims of the Republicans--claims which should be recognized for what they really are, especially now during the presidential campaign, when speakers from both sides talk so much about the tariff.

    We will not go into minute details but will limit ourselves to the more important points embodied in our previous statements on the matter.

    Among the benefits to be derived by national industry from the Mckinley Tariff, the Republicans cited the manufacture of white tin plate as an example. Before the tariff was put into effect, the duty on white tin plate, most of which came 2from Wales, was one cent per pound. The McKinley Act raised this to 2.2 cents. It was said that within a year after the tariff would be in effect, all the white tin plate needed would be manufactured in this country, and that, as a result of this new industry, thousands of idle workers would be put to work.

    Let us consider the logic of this reasoning. The business which this country carries on abroad depends upon imports and exports. During the course of a year our exports exceeded our imports by two hundred million dollars. In exchange for our exports--primarily wheat--we must receive either cash or articles we need. Since these articles have a specific value, value for value is given in return. In spite of the fact that we need no silver or good bullion in return, the amount of gold and silver imported is greater than the amount exported. Statistics prove this to be a fact. Therefore, we need articles which we do not have in this country, articles which we do not manufacture, in exchange for others the great abundance of which calls for foreign markets. Why cannot we get in return for our exports goods which are not manufactured in the United States, for example, white tin plate? Why should 3we develop this industry on a large scale when the same efforts could be exerted to better advantage in other directions? Why cannot we better develop the industries in which we are especially skilled, particularly those whose products are in demand abroad? As to the theory of the Republicans, it is illogical in so far as it has been shown that it does not work out in practice.

    Let us consider the first effect of the McKinley Tariff when it was passed. As it did not go into effect immediately after its passage, nine months elapsed before it could be applied to all imports.

    The moment the tariff was passed, Wales, naturally, began to turn out white tin plate on a mass production scale in order to ship as much of it as possible to the United States before the new tariff would become effective.

    We need from 700,000,000 to 800,000,000 pounds of this metal a year. Before the McKinley Act became effective, that is, during the time between its passage and June 1, 1891, 1,036,487,074 pounds of this product were shipped to this country. Great energy was exerted to produce this amount. The following year, 4that is, from June 1, 1891, to June 1, 1892, only 418,176,202 pounds were imported.

    The Republicans were triumphant. "Look at the results of the Tariff," they cried, "on the imports of white tin plate. See how much they have decreased since the McKinley Act came into effect."

    These figures were extensively used to befuddle the people. But let us look at these figures, add them, and then divide the result by two. By adding the figures for 1891 to those of 1892 and dividing the result by two, we get a yearly average of 727,331,638 pounds of imported white tin plate, which is pretty close to the 750,000,000 mark previously given. The imports for 1890-91 were so great that in the following year, ending in June, 1892, only 418,000,000 pounds of white tin plate were needed.

    Who gained and who lost by the import of white tin plate during 1890-91 and 1891-92?


    Did the government gain anything? In reality, no. As a matter of fact, it lost. If the McKinley Tariff would have gone into effect immediately, the government would have received $28,029,805 for twenty-one months. Instead, during the nine-month period which elapsed before the tariff could be applied, the import of white tin plate was so tremendous that, during the year ending in June, 1892, only $17,758,934 was collected in duties on this particular product. This means that the government lost over ten million dollars.

    Surely, these ten million dollars were pocketed by someone--the people of the United States who need this product, the wealthy importers, or the manufacturers. Who can tell? These manufacturers made a profit not only in the original product but also in the products they turned out therefrom. And who paid for this other profit? Nobody but the people. The price of tin rose sharply as if the new tariff were in effect. The people who needed tin plate had no choice other than to purchase it at the increased price. The government did not receive a penny of the ten million dollars. This sum was divided between importers and industrialists. Yes, it went into their pockets.


    This was the first immediate result of the McKinley Tariff. What were the other results? These will be discussed later.

    Dziennik Chicagoski, Sept. 24, 1892.

    We have already discussed the McKinley Tariff to the extent of pointing out who benefited and who lost by the increase of duties on tin plate. Now we will direct our attention to the so-called industrial boom that the Republicans promised would occur. They claimed that within one year we would be manufacturing various kinds of white tin plate essential to our needs.

    Twenty-one months has elapsed, much more than a year, and during all this time, as shown by figures, we have imported from Wales an average of 727,331,638 pounds of white tin plate every year.

    It cannot be denied that tin-plate factories were built in this country during this time, but they only manufactured 13,240,830 pounds of this metal in one year, which is far from filling our needs. This only amounts to about two 7per cent of our actual requirements, and even this small turnout is not actually produced in this country.

    The manufacture of white tin plate consists in immersing black-iron or steel plate into molten tin, a process which is called bleaching. Government statistics reveal that the imports of this black-iron plate are increasing in proportion to the quarterly increase of white tin plate. Along with this, tin, which is used for bleaching the black-iron or steel plate, is also imported in proportion. Actually, nothing is really made here. The only thing done here is the bleaching, for the tin and iron are imported. That is why white tin plate, which is in great demand, is rising rapidly in cost.

    We will not go into further details. In general, the white tin-plate factories, or rather "bleaching shops," employ mostly the lowest paid workers, especially minors. Along with this, we wish to say that the people of the United States must pay $16,000,000 annually for this privilege--the shortage of white tin plate in our country. One can readily see what blissful results the McKinley Tariff brought in this direction.


    A man by the name of Peck contends that the Republican claims are authentic and true. The commissioner of labor statistics in Massachusetts gives a report on the conditions of the tin plate industry since the enactment of the McKinley Tariff. His figures are as follows:

    Investment of capital for building factories rose 2.34 per cent. Price of products rose 1.33 per cent. Employment rose 1.72 per cent. Salaries increased 0.9 per cent. Unemployment decreased 0.5 per cent.

    To this report should have been added the increase in price of commodities for everyday use. Being a Republican, he had common sense enough to omit these figures.

    But even these figures do not prove that the tariff is beneficial. That industry has increased by a small percentage in one year is a marvelous thing, but does that mean that it is going to keep on increasing every year? A comparison of the percentages for several years shows that industry is decreasing. Let us compare the figures given by Mr. Peck.


    Do they prove that the 2.34 per cent increase in capital investment in industry resulted in the 1.33 per cent rise in the value of produced goods? Or that this invested capital only increased employment by 1.72 per cent? Or that more men were hired in proportion to the value of produced goods?

    Does it prove that the salaries of the workers increased proportionally, if the wages increased 0.9 per cent while the value of the goods rose 1.33 per cent? On the contrary, according to these comparisons, neither the worker nor the manufacturer made any gains. These figures would even show a greater loss if the increase in the cost of the articles were included.

    We do not go so far as to say that these unprofitable figures were caused by the McKinley Tariff. We can say, however, that these conditions do not speak in its favor.

    We have pointed out in previous articles that the Republican protective tariff is not based on sound principles. Let us give more details. Although the effects of the McKinley Tariff ...

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