The Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey was published in 1942 by the Chicago Public Library Omnibus Project of the Works Progress Administration of Illinois. The purpose of the project was to translate and classify selected news articles that appeared in the foreign language press from 1855 to 1938. The project consists of 120,000 typewritten pages translated from newspapers of 22 different foreign language communities of Chicago.

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  • Skandinaven -- April 22, 1879
    The Leif Ericson Fund (Editorial)

    To our forefathers belong undeniably the honor of being the first white men ever to tread upon American soil. We have authoritative historical data evidencing their early arrival on this continent, while reports of still earlier discoveries of this hemisphere are vague and uncertain and shrouded in mythological fog.

    In a couple of decades it will be nine hundred years since this great discovery took place, and it is now proposed to erect a monument in memory of this historical event, near the coast where Leif Erikson and his men landed after having sailed their tiny goat across the ocean. On this same continent, which Leif discovered, thousands of his nationals, men and women, have later found their homes, and this monument will for the coming generations, bear proud witness of the race which counts America's first discoverer among its 2sons.

    But if this undertaking, so honorable for the Scandinavians, is to attain the national significance which it merits, the funds necessary for its completion should be contributed by our own people. The amount of each individual contribution is not so important but the participation should be general, so that it can truly be said that Scandinavians in America erected this monument. If, for instance, every man and woman of our nationality were to donate 25 cents, on the average, a sufficiently large sum would be collected to really show the world that we, as a people, honor our ancestors.

    But if a national subscription is to be undertaken, the invitation should be issued by our most prominent men. Supposing Ole Bull and Professor R. B. Anderson took the lead? The honor and fame which the violin virtuoso has won in the old as well as in the new world, has been reflected back on the nation, and among our countrymen on this side of the ocean, none has done more to 3spread the knowledge of our people's history than Professor Anderson. Both of these men feel warmly for the mother country and our precious memories, and we hope that for the sake of promoting our national honor and dignity, they will go to the front and organize a national subscription for the Leif fund.

    To our forefathers belong undeniably the honor of being the first white men ever to tread upon American soil. We have authoritative historical data evidencing their early arrival on this ...

    Norwegian
    II C, I J, IV
  • Skandinaven -- March 13, 1891
    Grand Opening of Scandia Hall

    The entire Scandinavian Colony must have been present at the opening of Scandia Hall.

    Every Scandinavian Singing Society in Chicago sang, and every organization and church was represented.

    The new president of Branch One was installed. He is the well-known Dane, P. Holgersen, who has been one of the most prominent members of the Scandinavian Colony.

    Several men from out-of-town spoke, but we will only give ex-Sheriff, C. R. Matson's speech, which is as follows:

    "The subject assigned to me is so great that a few points of interest can only be dealt with in the short time allotted to me in this program.

    2

    America! How the word fills its citizens with pride! A loyal sense of patriotism fills the breast of freemen, wherever they may be. This great America, which we can call ours, with its most wonderful material developments, with its grand and noble institutions, and with a government which the immortal Lincoln described as being "of the people, by the people, and for the people" and where every man is a peer, this land has become the Mecca toward which the eyes of the oppressed and downtrodden from all nations, turn.

    We, as Scandinavian-Americans, call it ours. And why should we not? To be sure, we are engaged with other citizens in arranging for the World's Columbian Exposition to celebrate the four hundredth anniversary of the discovery of this continent by Christopher Columbus. But, still the fact remains that the hardy Norseman, Leif Ericson, was at least four hundred years in advance of Columbus. So, who will dispute our right to call it our country? Scholars and historians have long since admitted the fact.

    3

    I said that we call it ours, and Scandinavia has furnished her full share of those who are glad to become citizens by adopting such a glorious country. It is a matter of very great satisfaction to know that Scandinavians have the reputation of becoming the most useful and loyal citizens of all those who are of foreign birth. Patriotism and love of freedom is bred in the bones of our Scandinavian-Americans. The man who is wont to sing "Ja Vi Elsner Dette Landet" (Yes, we love the 'land that towers'), and other national songs of his mother country, can with equal fervor and patriotism sing, "Columbia, the Gem of the Ocean; the home of the brave and the free," for his adopted country. The vast area of her territory, the great diversity of climate, and countless industrial institutions give an abundance of [opportunity] to all types of people. The mechanic, the artisan, and the professional man are all welcome. The tillers of the soil are offered a bounty. They are given a quarter section of land and the only thing required of them is that they become citizens and reside on the land for, at least, five years and make certain improvements. They may enjoy our free schools, full protection under our laws, as well as every privilege of a native born.

    4

    The dedication of this magnificent building tonight is evidence of the thrift and energy of our Scandinavian citizens. It is also evidence of a higher and loftier aim and principle, manifested in the love and protection of the home, of the widow and fatherless children. The good influence of an organization such as the Scandinavian Workers' Association cannot be explained in a five-minute talk. Its work for relieving the sick and distressed, and its provision for those who are dependent on them, can not fail in making better citizens of those who are engaged in this noble work.

    Then, let us say, America forever, and success to the Scandinavian Workers' Association.

    The entire Scandinavian Colony must have been present at the opening of Scandia Hall. Every Scandinavian Singing Society in Chicago sang, and every organization and church was represented. The new ...

    Norwegian
    II D 6, II B 1 a, II D 10, III F, I C, I J, I L, IV
  • Skandinaven -- October 04, 1891
    Leif Erikson Festival

    The Leif Erikson festival at Scandia Hall was a great success. The main speech of the evening was as follows:

    "Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I know it is a great disappointment to you not to have Professor Anderson with you on this occasion, as it is the result of his enkindling enthusiasm that Leif Erikson festivals at this time are being celebrated in various parts of the country. It is, therefore, with considerable diffidence that I stand before you to take his place. It was only at his urgent request, and when I remembered the reputation of the Chicago Scandinavians for generous impulses and kindly hospitality that I consented to do so. It is, I assure you, a great pleasure for me to be here, even though I come as an unbidden guest, but with your kind indulgence, I shall attempt to say something in keeping with this festive hour.

    "Scandinavians of Chicago! We are here this evening to help inaugurate a 2Leif Erikson Day, a day which is to commemorate an event that is the first authentic fact of American history, a fact that is of especial interest to us, because it concerns an achievement of the old Norsemen, and was made a matter of historical record by them. To the prosaic mind, that first written chapter of American history may be devoid of any particular interest. It is, however, of such importance that every historian of America must consider it, if he wishes to know the beginning. In the past, this chapter has been a bridge over which many Americans have passed into the rich realm of old Norse history and literature. "To many of us, and especially to our descendants, I say for the children of Scandinavians in this country, what vast and varied interest may not the day prove to them if we enter into the celebration of Leif Erikson festivals with broad-gauged and sensible enthusiasm.

    "But, fellow-kinsmen, we must let no one think because we celebrate Leif Erikson Day in commemoration of an event from the history of a remote past that we forget the "living present." As Scandinavians, it is our especial 3privilege to graze in the green pastures of Scandinavian history and literature, to nip the buds and blossoms of song and story which abound there. Our privilege I say aye, and one that will not - shall not - make us lose sight of our duties to this great country, its history, and institutions. It is quite in accord with our Scandinavian idea of things to support these institutions. Their spirit is not new to us, for the political institutions of this country have sprung from the seeds of political ideas planted in English soil during the Viking age, where Northman, Dane, and Norman mixed blood, Angle and Saxon. And now, in the Vineland of our ancestors, we have again, as of old, joined our Anglo-Saxon kinsmen, not only to enjoy, but to help, maintain, strenghten, and develop American institutions. And we shall strive to do our part well. In the past, the Scandinavians have not been parasites on the tree of American liberty. They have been an important small factor in the building up of the great Northwest. They have been tireless toilers of the soil. 'Their furrows oft the stubborn glebe broke' They have, moreover, earned their citizenship through the holy wash 4of patriotism. They, too, marched to the front when it was necessary to save this nation's life. They, too, starved in the prisons of the South. Their blood also stained the waters of Southern swamps and rivers. Their bones lie strewn on Southern battlefields. Yes, the Scandinavians responded to the call of this nation in distress, and will do so again in the hour of danger. "Till Samma Swalt, Till Samma Kamp, Till Samma Don, De Gaar!" (To the same battlefields, to the same wars, to the same death, they all go.)

    "The celebration of Leif Erikson festivals would soon be discontinued if nothing more were hoped to be accomplished by them than the historical fact. That has already been established. These festivals must bear a different import. The historical fact is simply a convenient suggestion for a Fore-fathers' Day, as it were. Although the first landing of white men on these shores is in itself an interesting fact, doubly interesting to us because these white men were Norsemen, and it is the very first beginning of the relations between Scandinavia and America. "What then could be more fitting than that 5we as Scandinavians, settled in city and hamlet,and scattered over the fertile prairies of 'Vineland the Good,' should now come together and tell of the deeds of Leif Erikson and Thorfinu, and repeat the story of Gudrid, Erikson's wife, and Snorre, her American born son? But we must do more. "The Leif Erikson festivals should be occasions when the children of Scandinavian blood in this country, now and in the distant future, may have opportunities for hearing something from the history, literature, and music of their ancestors. These festivals must be conducted on broad principles so as to include all Scandinavians, Icelanders, Danes, Swedes, and Norwegians. Themes must be chosen not only from ancient, but also from modern Scandinavian history and literature, not forgetting the very interesting field of our own history in this country, beginning with the Danes on the Hudson Bay. Celebrated in this spirit, Leif Erikson Day may be made a day of genuine profit to ourselves, and one not devoid of interest for our American kinsmen.

    "When the Northmen landed on these shores, they found grapes in abundance and 6called the country "Vineland the Good." In commemoration of the bestowal of that name, let us continue to make Leif Erikson Day a Grape festival. The luscious grape shall not only remind us of the Vineland voyages, but shall also be symbolic of the abundance of this land when we enjoy such manifest blessings. And the vine, with which we decorate, shall not only be an emblem of the reverence with which we cling to the proud memories of an heroic past, but it shall also incite us to weave about the institutions of this fair land the supporting vine and tendrils of our love, hopes, and our eternal fidelity.

    "Let this day also help unite a people that once were united and strong, a people that have sprung from the same root, a people who are bound by ties of blood, culture, and of a historic past."

    The Leif Erikson festival at Scandia Hall was a great success. The main speech of the evening was as follows: "Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I know it is a ...

    Norwegian
    I J, III F, I C
  • Skandinaven -- June 27, 1892
    Rotation in Office (Editorial)

    There is a fearful amount of bad legislation in this country, and the chief source of this evil is to be found in the application of the principle of rotation in the legislative positions. Lawmaking is a subtle science and a fine art, the most difficult task of all in the complex and complicated process of government. The most finished product of modern civilization is a wise and successful lawmaker. He is, or ought to be, the skilled workman of politics "par excellence".

    This delicate function we entrust--to our wisest and best men? Far from it! The majority of the men who make our laws are petty, local politicians whose ambitions must be satisfied in some way, but who do not possess influence enough to obtain any of the offices that "pay". This ignorant crowd is then 2let loose upon society and invested with power to tinker with institutions and principles, and to embody their whims and vagaries in statutes which the people are compelled to obey, if such mongrel laws are not so completely meaningless that their enforcement cannot be attempted seriously. Bad legislation is the main curse of all modern democracies, as it must be as long as the power of lawmaking is exercised by the political roustabouts of society, by a set of men whose ignorance is only matched by their monumental lack of experience. This applies with especial force to our state legislation; but as everybody knows, the lower house of Congress also contains a large percentage of men who are entirely unfit for their duties, and who serve their constituents and their country best by doing nothing at all except to draw their salaries.

    Instead of letting legislative offices go 'round, and thus placing the power of legislation in the hands of inexperienced and incompetent men, good men should be returned as long as they are willing to serve, or at least so long 3as the other party is willing to let them serve. It is old heads and experienced hands rather than new blood which are needed more than anything else in our legislative halls. The shifting fortunes of parties result in a more than sufficient supply of the new blood that is needed. But when a man has reached the point where he can become really useful as legislator, by reason of acquired experience and familiarity with the work, he is put under the thumbscrews of the principle of rotation in office, and told to give way to a new and untried man.

    N. P. Haugen is a case in point. He has served the same district for three consecutive terms in Congress, and is understood to be willing to accept the Congressional nomination this fall in his new district which is made up largely of counties forming the old eighth district. Technically considered, his nomination would not be a renomination; but the people are requested to look at the substance of the thing, and to send some other man, for the 4very reason that Haugen has served long enough to acquire thorough familiarity with Congressional routine and the work of national lawmaking. It is possible, at least it is to be hoped, that the good sense of the people will assert itself in this instance. Haugen's record as a member of the lower house is one of brilliant, and solid ability. In the great battle with the southern brigadiers, he has stood firm as a rock against which the waves of fury dash in vain. His contributions to the great tariff discussions in the House rank with the best efforts of the ablest members of the House. He possesses what may be termed a "legislative temper" in an eminent degree, and is endowed with all the essential qualities of a useful and wise lawmaker--wide information, a studious mind, native conservatism, well-grounded convictions upon public questions, and a liberal supply of practical common sense.

    There is a fearful amount of bad legislation in this country, and the chief source of this evil is to be found in the application of the principle of rotation ...

    Norwegian
    I F 5, I F 6, I E, I J, IV
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- October 28, 1892
    Norwegians Celebrate

    The brilliant festival of last week in commemoration of Columbus did not prevent the Norwegians from paying tribute and honor to their own countryman, Leif Erikson, who discovered America, according to their claim, four hundred years before Columbus did. The Norwegians celebrated the occasion last night in the Scandia Hall. It was called the Festival of Grapes, in memory of the story that the discoverers after their return to the homeland in 1000 A.D. described the newly discovered country as a land abundant with grapes.

    The Normania Military Orchestra started the festivity off with a musical performance. Many more musical entertainments were rendered during the evening by the choir Kjerulf and several soloists. Mr. A.J.Elvis spoke in English, and Conradi in Norwegian. Than the original document about the discovery of America was read by Mr. Diserud. After the program refreshments were served consisting of grapes and other fruits; a lively ball finished the festive affair.

    The brilliant festival of last week in commemoration of Columbus did not prevent the Norwegians from paying tribute and honor to their own countryman, Leif Erikson, who discovered America, according ...

    Norwegian
    II B 1 c 3, III B 3 a, I J
  • Skandinaven -- February 13, 1896
    Naturalized Citizens and Lincoln

    Naturalized citizens vie with those to the manor born in paying tribute, from loving hearts, to the hallowed memory of the great martyred President. The fearful struggle for freedom and human rights in this country a generation ago made a lasting impression upon the youth of Europe. The historic drama enacted on this side of the Atlantic was a baptism of liberty to millions of boys and girls on the other side [of the Atlantic]. They could not grasp the constitutional points involved in the struggle, but they knew that the North fought to free the black slave. And when Lincoln's melancholy features looked into theirs from their little papers, their youthful hearts went out to him, and their enthusiasm centered around the towering hero of emancipation. And when he fell, pierced by an assassin's bullet, his memory remained in the loving hearts of all the youth of the Old World.

    Hosts of these boys and girls have since come to this land and are now counted among its prosperous citizens. Among the scant treasures they 2carried with them, the most precious of all was the image of Lincoln graven in their hearts. They have guarded it with tender care. Time cannot efface it, nor dim the radiance of its ennobling features. The hero of their youth is the ideal of their manhood--the greatest of all Americans and the grandest and noblest of all men.

    Naturalized citizens vie with those to the manor born in paying tribute, from loving hearts, to the hallowed memory of the great martyred President. The fearful struggle for freedom and ...

    Norwegian
    I J, III G
  • Skandinaven -- April 15, 1896
    [Lincoln as a Prophet] (Editorial)

    "Lincoln as a prophet" is the title of an article signed "F.N.S." which appears in an editorial in one of our monthly magazines. The writer says in part:

    "One of the last public statements of Abraham Lincoln--one which the orators of that great commercial agency called the Republican party are careful always to suppress--one which ought long ago to have been recognized before the party machine became the instrument of its present commercial proprietors--is well worth the careful thought of all patriotic citizens. It is a prophecy whose prophetic truth is now our sorrow. It is worthy of a place beside the prophetic warnings of George Washington against the dangers of partisan blindness and foreign influences. Lincoln's words, in brief, were as follows:

    'It has been indeed a trying hour for the republic; but I see in the future 2a crisis that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country.

    'As a result of the war, corporations have been enthroned and an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will attempt to prolong its reign by working upon the prejudice of the people until all wealth is aggregated into a few hands, and the republic destroyed.

    'I feel at this moment more anxiety for the safety of my country than ever before, even in the midst of war. God grant that my suspicions may be groundless.'"

    F.N.S. concludes by saying:

    "Were Abraham Lincoln now alive...., he would feel that his suspicions were by no means groundless."

    3

    Every good citizen will admit that such a statement, coming from the greatest of all Americans, is "worthy of a place beside the prophetic warnings of George Washington." In the opinion of Skandinaven, the prophecy is invested with surpassing interest and should be exhibited in the proper historical frame.

    F.N.S., having made use of the statement, will not refuse to "frame" it. The people are entitled to know the date of the alleged statement and the precise circumstances under which it was made. Is it part of a speech, or a conversation, and if so, when and where was the speech made, or did the conversation occur? Or, is it a quotation from a diary? If so, what date does it bear, and where is the original to be found?

    It will not be denied that these queries are proper and justified from any and every point of view, and that they only call for facts which the people should know and have a right to demand. F.N.S., it is hoped,will furnish a prompt, complete and satisfactory answer.

    "Lincoln as a prophet" is the title of an article signed "F.N.S." which appears in an editorial in one of our monthly magazines. The writer says in part: "One of ...

    Norwegian
    I J, II B 2 d 1, I C
  • Skandinaven -- May 20, 1896
    Fraud and Forgery Exposed (Editorial)

    Some time ago Ignatius Donnelly's paper, The Representative, published an editorial saying in part:

    "One of the last public statements of Abraham Lincoln--one which the orators of that commercial agency called the Republican party are careful always to suppress--is well worth the careful thought of all patriotic citizens. It is a prophecy whose prophetic truth is now our sorrow. It is worthy of a place beside the prophetic warnings of George Washington against the dangers of partisan blindness and foreign influences. Lincoln's words, in brief, are as follows:

    "'It has been indeed a trying hour for the republic; but I see in the future a crisis that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of 2my country.

    "'As a result of the war, corporations have been enthroned and an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will attempt to prolong its reign by working upon the prejudice of the people until all wealth is aggregated into a few hands, and the republic destroyed.

    "'I feel at this moment more anxiety for the safety of my country than ever before, even in the midst of war. God grant that my suspicions be groundless.'

    "Were Abraham Lincoln alive...., he would feel that his suspicions were well founded."

    In its issue of April 15, Skandinaven requested The Representative to state when and where Abraham Lincoln made the alleged statement.

    3

    But no answer came. The Representative has maintained a stubborn, yet eloquent, silence.

    No well-managed newspaper in the United States is ignorant of the fact that the alleged "prophecy" is a barefaced forgery, perpetrated by some knave who did not even know that Lincoln's assassination occurred before peace had been restored. Its fraudulent character had been exposed at least a dozen times when it was republished by Donnelly's paper as an accepted historical fact.

    But instead of correcting the error and squaring itself with truth, The Representative attempts to cover up one forgery with another. The latter attempt at historical garbling appears under the caption of "Lincoln as a Populist," over the same signature which was attached to "Lincoln as a Prophet," and reads in part as follows:

    "Lincoln the Populist

    4

    "'Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people. In my present position, I could scarcely be justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of returning despotism. It is not needed nor fitting here that a general argument should be made in favor of popular institutions; but there is one point, with its connections not so hackneyed as most others, to which I ask brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing with, if not above labor, in the structure of government. It is assumed that labor is available only in connection with capital, that nobody labors unless somebody else, owning capital, somehow by the use of it induces him to labor. Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much higher consideration. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those who toil up from poverty; none less inclined to take or touch ought which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a political power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely be used to close the door of advancement 5against such as they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them till all liberty shall be lost.'

    "The above sentiment was voiced in one of Lincoln's first messages to Congress, and was again expressed by him in an address delivered to the workers during the fourth year of his administration. Were the above sentiment to be uttered today it would be promptly pronounced by the old party press and corporation organs, 'Populist'.

    "This plainly shows how the Republican party has drifted from its early moorings.

    "The Lincoln Republican, therefore, violates no principle when he bolts the Republican party and allies himself with the People's party. Indeed, he must do so in order to be true to his principles. The same sentiments as those which Lincoln expressed thirty years ago are today voiced only by People's party papers and orators. No Republican orator, or organ, 6or platform, will have anything to do with such a platform as that which Abraham Lincoln laid down as above, in his official message as the first President of the Republican party. Lincolnism is now represented in Populism."

    As will be seen, the great President is here presented in the garb of a latter-day Populist. Not that his plea for labor is particularly Populistic; the labor doctrine laid down in the above paragraph is today accepted by all parties as a fixed maxim of economics and politics.

    But the quotation is intended to convey, and does convey, the impression that Abraham Lincoln, in one of his first messages to Congress, said that the capital of the country (the loyal states) was conspiring to curtail the rights of labor and the power of the people--that despotism was returning, and that "monarchy itself was sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the power of the people".

    Can this be true, the thoughtful reader will inquire. Can it be, that 7Abraham Lincoln in a message to Congress delivered during the dark days of the rebellion, would go out of his way to strenghten the Copperhead sentiment of the North by needlessly emphasizing class distinctions among the people?

    Let history answer. The quotation given by The Representative is taken from a message dated December 3, 1861, and delivered to the Senate "in the peculiar exigencies of the time". The last part of this famous state paper is devoted to a discussion of the economics and political doctrines and aims of the rebellion, and reads as follows:

    Skandinaven (Daily Edition), May 21, 1896.

    "It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if not exclusively a war upon the first principles of popular government--the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this is found in the most grave and maturely considered public documents. In those documents. In those documents we find the 8abridgement of the existing right of suffrage and the denial to the people of all right to participate in the selection of public officers, except the legislative, boldly advocated, with labored arguments to prove that a large control of the people in government is the source of all political evil. MONARCHY ITSELF IS SOMETIMES HINTED AS A POSSIBLE REFUGE FROM THE POWER OF THE PEOPLE.

    "IN MY RECENT POSITION, I COULD SCARCELY BE JUSTIFIED WERE I TO OMIT RAISING A WARNING VOICE AGAINST THIS APPROACH OF RETURNING DESPOTISM.

    "IT IS NOT NEEDED NOR FITTING HERE, THAT A GENERAL ARGUMENT SHOULD BE MADE IN FAVOR OF POPULAR INSTITUTIONS; BUT THERE IS ONE POINT, WITH ITS CONNECTIONS, NOT SO HACKNEYED AS MOST OTHERS, TO WHICH I ASK A BRIEF ATTENTION. IT IS THE EFFORT TO PLACE CAPITAL ON AN EQUAL FOOTING WITH, IF NOT ABOVE LABOR IN THE STRUCTURE OF THE GOVERNMENT. IT IS ASSUMED THAT LABOR IS AVAILABLE ONLY IN CONNECTION WITH CAPITAL, THAT NOBODY LABORS UNLESS SOMEBODY ELSE, OWNING CAPITAL, SOMENOW BY THE USE OF IT INDUCES HIM TO LABOR.

    9

    This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that capital shall hire laborers, and thus induce them to work by their own consent, or buy them, and thus drive them to it without their consent. Having proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded that all laborers are either hired, or what we call slaves. And further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer is fixed in that condition for life.

    "Now, there is no such relation between capital and labor as assumed; nor is there any such thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a hired laborer. Both these assumptions are false, and all inferences from them are groundless.

    "LABOR IS PRIOR TO, AND INDEPENDENT OF CAPITAL. CAPITAL IS ONLY THE FRUIT OF LABOR, AND COULD NEVER HAVE EXISTED IF LABOR HAD NOT FIRST EXISTED. LABOR IS THE SUPERIOR OF CAPITAL AND DESERVES MUCH HIGHER CONSIDERATION. Capital has its rights, which are as worthy of protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied that there is, and probably always will be, a 10relation between capital and labor producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of the community exists within this relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor themselves, and with their capital hire or buy another few to labor for them. A large majority belong to neither class--neither work for others nor have others working for them. In most of the southern states a majority of the whole people of all colors are neither slaves nor masters; while, in the northern, a large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families--wives, sons and daughters--work for themselves, on their farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and asking no favor of capital on the one hand, nor hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their own labor with capital--that is, they labor with their own hands, and also buy or hire others to labor for them: but this is only a mixed, and not distinct, class. No principle stated is disturbed by the existence of this mixed class.

    "Again: as has already been said, there is not, of necessity, any such 11thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many independent men everywhere in these states, a few years back in their lives, were hired laborers. The prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors for wages a while, saves a surplus with which to buy tools or land for himself; then labors on his own account another while, and at length hires another beginner to help him. This is the just and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all, and consequent energy and progress and improvement of the condition of all. NO MEN LIVING ARE MORE WORTHY TO BE TRUSTED THAN THOSE WHO TOIL UP FROM POVERTY, NONE LESS INCLINED TO TAKE OR TOUCH OUGHT WHICH THEY HAVE NOT HONESTLY EARNED. LET THEM BEWARE OF SURRENDERING A POLITICAL POWER WHICH THEY ALREADY POSSESS, AND WHICH, IF SURRENDERED, WILL SURELY BE USED TO CLOSE THE DOOR OF ADVANCEMENT AGAINST SUCH AS THEY, AND TO FIX NEW DISABILITIES AND BURDENS UPON THEM TILL ALL LIBERTY SHALL BE LOST.

    "From the first taking of our national census to the last are seventy years, and we find our population at the end of the period eight times as great 12as it was in the beginning. The increase of those other things which men deem desirable has been even greater. We thus have at one view, what the machinery of the states and the Union has produced in a given time; and also what, if firmly maintained, it promises for the future. There are already among us those who, if the Union be preserved, will live to see it contain two hundred and fifty million people. The struggle of today is not altogether for today--it is for a vast future also. With a reliance on Providence, all the more firm and earnest, let us proceed in the great task which events have devolved upon us."

    The sentences printed in capitals are those used by The Representative in the construction of its quotation from Lincoln's message. By comparing Lincoln's argument as presented in his own exact words, with the meaning of the quotation in The Representative, the reader will detect at a glance the shameless dishonesty and astonishing audacity of the Populistic organ. Lincoln spoke about rebellion and disclosed the secret plans and purposes of the slave power: Donnelly's paper represents him as warning the people 13and labor of the North against attacks planned by the rich men of the North. As it appears in The Representative, Lincoln's plea for labor partakes of the nature of a truism: In all the land not a man can be found who dissents from it in a single particular. Read as it was written, it reveals its far-reaching purpose--to prepare the public mind for the freeing of the slaves. The closing paragraphs of the message of December 3, 1861, were intended as an appeal to the loyal people in the loyal states--calling upon them to grasp and hold fast the first principle of liberty. Abraham Lincoln was constructing the foundation of the glorious act of emancipation when he penned those immortal lines; to serve as such was their grand purpose and historic mission.

    People will know what to think about a newspaper that can stoop to such tactics as have been employed by The Representative in this instance. A paper which does not hesitate at defiling the grand features of the great martyr-President for the purpose of furthering demagogical designs is 14unfit to be admitted to the hearths of honest men and women. If, as is believed, the majority of the population are honest men, they will compel Mr. Donnelly to confess in black and white in his own paper:

    1. that the so-called "Lincoln's prophecy" is a forgery and a lie;

    2. that the quotation from Lincoln's message of Dec. 3, 1861, published in The Representative of May 6th, is an unscrupulous and utterly contemptible falsification intended to mislead and confuse.

    And if the "sage" is an honest man, he will confess promptly and cheerfully and apologize to his readers for the sins of fraud, forgery, and deception of which his paper stands convicted.

    Some time ago Ignatius Donnelly's paper, The Representative, published an editorial saying in part: "One of the last public statements of Abraham Lincoln--one which the orators of that commercial agency ...

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  • Skandinaven -- June 01, 1896
    The Nationality Issue (Editorial)

    On or about May 15, the press published biographies of four candidates running for the Republican nomination for office. The article, it is understood, was written by Joe Mannix in the interest of John Reese, who, like Mannix, is of Irish descent. Among the four candidates "written up," was the present assistant county attorney, James A. Petersen. The biographer took great pains to state the nationality of Mr. Petersen's parents, but had nothing to say about the nationality of the parents of the other three candidates.

    This insidious discrimination called forth the following letter signed by "Nils":

    "Why is it that when you write about [political candidates], you always differentiate between men of different nationalities; and between men in office, and 2those 'running for office'? Why is it that when [the candidate] is a Scandinavian, you mention his nationality? Although [this reference] is, of course well-intentioned and appreciated--since we Scandinavians are rather proud of our respective mother countries--why do you omit [making references to the nationality of the candidates] when you speak of men of Irish descent? I never saw you allude to the fact that William Henry is of Irish descent, even when you reported that he was dining with the Lord Mayor of Dublin. Moreover, in your recent survey of the candidates, why did you not give Brother Reese credit for his Irish nationality to offset the fact that Petersen (the only one whose nationality you do mention) had opened his office on Washington Avenue in 1887, thereby getting a two-year head start on Reese? If any of the other candidates of Irish descent or parentage are too modest to permit their nationality to be mentioned, you should have stated this fact.

    I wish to beg the pardon of the editors, but I insist that the Times is principally to blame."

    Thereupon the Times replied as follows:

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    "The complaint against the distinction made among the foreign nationalities can probably be accounted for by the facts that the Scandinavians are numerically the largest [foreign nationality], that they hold the balance of power between the two parties, and that they vote as a [national] bloc on political questions, although there are indications that they are out-growing this narrow attitude."

    As the reader will observe, the Times admits that it is discriminating against the Scandinavians, and tells its readers why it has taken this stand. "They are numerically the strongest and hold the balance of power between the two parties" says the Times--hence candidates for office with Scandinavian blood in their veins should not have a fair deal. Another reason for discriminating against Scandinavians is that they tenaciously "cling together in politics".

    This certainly is [a good example of] "minority representation" and "minority rule" with a vengeance. The weaker a group is, the stronger is its claim to public offices--that is the logic of the Times. Our contemporary [i.e., the Times] should scold the Irish group, because, up-to-date, it has not furnished 4more than three candidates for offices this year--Armstrong Taylor for probate judge, John Reese for county attorney, and John Steele for district judge, all gentlemen whose parents were born in Ireland. The Irish are certainly weak enough in the county, numerically speaking, to be entitled to more offices, according to the logic of the Times.

    The assertion that the Scandinavians "cling together in politics" is false, and, we believe, insincere. If any one doubt this statement let him turn to the columns of the Times. No newspaper has been more persistent [than the Times] in proclaiming that the Scandinavians, particularly the Norwegians, are altogether too broad-gauged and too thoroughly Americanized to support men of their own blood who are not fit to hold office--e.g., such men as Senator Knute Nelson. Generally speaking, this is true. In Minnesota and the Dakotas, the Scandinavians are probably more thoroughly divided along party lines than any other nationality. Nor is this division quite so unequal as that of the Irish, who furnish all parties with a liberal supply of office-seekers, while they give the Democratic Party the benefit of all their votes.

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    To make James A. Petersen a butt of this sort of narrow prejudice is rank injustice, and, moreover, utterly absurd.

    Pray, who is a true American, if he [Petersen] is not one? His parents were naturalized citizens for twelve years when he was born on their homestead in Wisconsin. He grew up on the farm, and received his education in the public schools, graduating from the law department of the university at Madison. He has always been a member of the "so-called 'American' church". He is intensely devoted to his country, and exultingly proud of its achievements and grand destiny. His American citizenship is his platform, and his claims to consideration rest exclusivly upon whatever ability and integrity he may possess. What more is required to constitute true Americanism? Can it be that a knowledge of foreign tongues has come to be considered an un-American trait? Are blue eyes to be tabooed in conventions, or is a genuine white man to be excluded from the Republican ticket?

    Mr. Petersen has been sternly relentless and exceptionally successful in meting out justice to rascals, not excepting those born in the native country 6of his parents--even if they happened to have a pretty strong "American pull". Is this trait un-American if found in a prosecuting attorney?

    The nationality issue has no place in politics. John Steele is a good American, even if his parents do come from Ireland. John Reese is a "bright boy," and may properly covet the county attorneyship, but not as an Irishman. James A. Petersen is an American, and should be permitted to run as such.

    His claims to the office, we believe, are the strongest. As the first assistant to the present attorney he has shown himself to be thoroughly competent, fearless and absolutely incorruptible. That is the kind of a county attorney a very large majority of the people want; and, if precedent is followed and justice done, he will undoubtedly receive the nomination.

    We all know that "shuffling politicians" use the nationality issue for selfish ends. But the press should take a different attitude, and frown upon every 7sneaking effort of this kind, instead of pandering to narrow prejudices. The Skandinaven believes that every responsible contemporary [newspaper] takes the same view, and it expects the Times to repair the injustice it has done to James A. Petersen and to disavow its flimsy pretext for discriminating against citizens of Norse blood.

    On or about May 15, the press published biographies of four candidates running for the Republican nomination for office. The article, it is understood, was written by Joe Mannix in ...

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  • Skandinaven -- August 26, 1896
    Save the "Viking" (Editorial)

    The arrival of the "Viking" on July 12, 1893, will be remembered as one of the most interesting and memorable incidents in the history of American Scandinavians. It was only after much effort and trouble that it was arranged, and the Scandinavians here can now say that the effort was worth it.

    The "Viking's" reception in this harbor was the most brilliant naval demonstration Chicago has ever witnessed. The whole city turned out to view the coming of the swan-like craft, and the press extended generous and enthusiastic greetings to the ship and its crew of brave, daring sailors..... The voyage of the "Viking" had been a victorious one from the hour it left its home port until it approached the port of the "white city". Great and enthusiastic crowds lined the shores of the inland waters it traversed, and the reception given it on the coast of New England has been repeated everywhere that its sail has been furled. The "Viking" is an especial object of eager and justifiable pride to our Scandinavian population.

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    Their fellow Americans recognize their special claim to the honors of the day, but insist on sharing the interest with them. The hardy craft that carried its high and doughty stem across ocean billows before the science of navigation had made progress adequate even to the later needs of Columbus is well worth the wonder and admiration with which it is everywhere hailed. Now with the caravels and the "Viking" in port, the waters at the "white city" present a more complete appearance of historical dignity and beauty. The little ships will be among the most pathetic (sic) and noble attractions of the Fair from the time of their arrival until the snows of next winter will hide their frail but heroic forms from view.

    ...The "Viking" comes on a peaceful mission. Its errand is only to remind the people of America of the voyages made by the daring Bjorn, the son of Herolf, in the year 981, and by Leif Ericson, in the year 1000, to the eastern shores of this country. The ancient Vikings have received too little credit for their discovery of the New World; their fame has been overshadowed by that of Columbus and the Spanish navigators. It is not to set history right that the"Viking" is brought here, for history has duly recorded the achievements 3of the Norsemen, but it is to impress the historical facts more deeply upon the minds of the people. The thousands who will look upon the staunch little ship while it remains at the World's Fair will not soon forget that to the Norsemen belongs the honor of first having seen and set foot upon the new continent. That is the lesson the "Viking" is meant to teach.

    .... Today is Leif's day, and the model of his little boat is queen of the Chicago harbor. What a wonderful little craft she is to be sure--this "Viking"!

    Last week you wondered at the caravels and at the skill and daring of the sailors. Now go look at the tiny, open boat in which the bold Norsemen went to sea, not only to discover lands, but to conquer them and to pile up material for the romancers of a later century. It is wonderful, yes, wonderful; no less so whether the stout Leif really went a-continent-hunting or whether he was blown out of his course to the rocky coast of Vineland (sic).

    .... Neither the "Viking" nor the Vikings who sailed it all the way across 4the stormy Atlantic and the great fresh-water lakes can complain that there was any lack of warmth in the reception tendered them yesterday on sea and shore.

    They were received in Evanston by a flotilla larger than that which went forth to greet the caravels, and crowded with men more imbued with exuberant enthusiasm than those who went to meet the Santa Maria and her consorts.

    Nor was the Mayor absent from the reception. The reception at Jackson Park, though late in the afternoon, was a great success.

    .... Another ship of discovery now rides at anchor off the "white city". The "Viking" is at last side by side with the three caravels, the Santa Maria, Pinta and Nina. Their wonderful voyages of discovery were five hundred years apart in time and still wider apart in routes and accessories, but they find common anchorage at Chicago.

    Judging from the public interest taken in the arrival of the "Viking" one 5would suppose Leif Ericson's discovery of America was the beginning of the New World's history. The "Viking" may be said to have come into her own and to have been received with a sense of national fellowship. But even had there not been a Scandinavian in our entire population, the "Viking" would have been assured of a most cordial welcome, for every intelligent American must recognize in that voyage of nine centuries ago one of the most remarkable feats of human enterprise.

    When the route of the original Vikings is taken into consideration it is not surprising that no more came of it. That was before the days of the mariner's compass. America reached from Europe only via Greenland and Iceland would have probably remained an unexplored wilderness. Columbus discovered a practical route, having the compass as a guide to his rudder.

    The "Viking" was ahead of the times. The science of navigation needed to be further developed before the New World could become a veritable annex to the Old World. But the very fact that the Norsemen made their great achievement 6before the day of modern navigation had developed so much as a morning star to relieve the darkness of the horizon, makes it all the more astonishing that Scandinavian sea kings crossed the Atlantic just as the tenth century was making room for the eleventh, and while Europe was still black with medieval night. No welcome could have been more cordial or sincere.

    While she remained at Jackson Park the "Viking" was admired by countless and eager throngs from all parts of the country.

    Captain Magnus Anderson intended to present the ship to the national government, and in the fall of 1893 she left Chicago to make her way to Washington by way of the Illinois Canal and River and the Mississippi River. But among the Scandinavians of Chicago it was generally held that the ship ought to remain here. A committee of representative men was formed to ascertain whether the Columbian Museum would accept the "Viking" as a gift from the Scandinavian citizens of the United States, if the ship could be secured for that purpose. To a letter addressed to him by the chairman of the 7"Viking" committee, Mr. Ed. E. Ayer, chairman of the finance committee of the Field Columbian Museum on December 16, 1893, replied as follows:

    "Your letter asking whether the Columbian Museum would like to have the 'Viking', at hand. We do desire it very much. The caravels will be in the Museum, and we want the 'Viking' with them. There will be a special effort made to show the evolution of transportation by sea and land, and nothing would fit in better than the 'Viking'. I trust you will have no difficulty in securing her and having her brought back to Chicago in the Spring."

    This authoritative reply was considered satisfactory. The "Viking" committee immediately went to work to collect funds. The ship was bought from the committee in Norway, and on October 13, 1894 it was formally transferred to the board of directors of the Museum with the understanding that it was to be placed in the Museum in accordance with the letter of Mr. Ayer.

    But thus far the directors have failed to fulfill their part of the agreement. From October 13th, 1894, until last fall the "Viking" remained in the open air without any protection whatever. That she suffered great damage while thus 8exposed to wind and weather goes without saying. Last fall she was housed in with boards and has remained in that condition until recently. Now it is proposed to put her in the lagoon, which cannot but work speedy and complete destruction.

    The Skandinaven is loath to believe that the Museum directors will fail to prevent what would be a flagrant instance of disgraceful vandalism. The ship is a gift to the Museum, solicited by the representatives of the board and accepted on the express condition that it should be put in the Museum to form, permanently, part and parcel of its collection of ethnographic and historical specimens. As yet the board has done nothing to fulfill its agreement, and now it is proposed to make such disposition of the historic craft as would make her speedy destruction inevitable.

    It is impossible to explain the attitude of the directors in this matter by assuming that they have not been fully aware of the precise nature of the terms upon which the ship was presented and accepted. They are honorable gentlemen who would not knowingly commit such a self-evident breach of faith.

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    Now that their attention has been called to the character of the contract they have entered into, it is confidently expected that they will take prompt and final action regarding the situation and place the "Viking" in the Museum where she belongs. This paper will do its part to make them do so.

    The arrival of the "Viking" on July 12, 1893, will be remembered as one of the most interesting and memorable incidents in the history of American Scandinavians. It was only ...

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