The Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey was published in 1942 by the Chicago Public Library Omnibus Project of the Works Progress Administration of Illinois. The purpose of the project was to translate and classify selected news articles that appeared in the foreign language press from 1855 to 1938. The project consists of 120,000 typewritten pages translated from newspapers of 22 different foreign language communities of Chicago.

Read more about this historic project.

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  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- July 26, 1861
    The Union The Battle for Freedom and American Citizens of German Descent

    We crossed the ocean and entered the Land of Promise, to live as human beings and free citizens on a free soil. The glorious banner of Stars and Stripes--not embroidered with pictures of wild animals, as are the standards of despots--attracted us mightily, for in it we saw the symbol of freedom and human rights, the shield of the oppressed of all nations, the sign of victory of a Revolution which eradicated the last vestige of monarchy from the New World, and which fanned a spark across the ocean that ignited such a wide-spread conflagration in Europe that the citadel of feudalism was completely ruined.

    When we embarked on these shores, we set our feet upon the soil of a new home, a second fatherland; the last ties were severed, and we became free citizens of a great Republic. Many among us fought a severe fight for a material existence; 2many were bitterly disappointed when their immoderate hopes were not realized, when sanguinary expectations proved to be mere bubbles; but just as one finds a sweet kernel in a bitter shell, so they too found the foundations of liberty after many severe trials, struggles, and hardships; and although the building which was being erected thereon did not afford each one an equally comfortable shelter, and did not measure up to each one's conception of beauty and grandeur, the foundation was very good, since it permitted reconstruction, elevation, and expansion; and everyone who lived in that structure had the right and duty to assist in its erection.

    That enormous building which rests on solid granite is the Union, founded on the sacred principles that "all men are created equal" and are entitled to equal rights. And we are cohabitants of this fine structure; we are citizens of the Union.

    And we are indeed proud that we have just claims to the best name man can bear, and we demand every right to which that name entitles us. However, just 3as we demand our rights, and should not let anyone deprive us of them, so we should also be willing and prepared--and we are--to honestly and conscientiously perform the duties of citizens; just as we demand our inalienable rights, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, be respected, basing our claims thereto on the sacred Declaration of Independence, so we should be ready at all times--and we are--to offer our money, our property, and even our life in the service of the Union, and to make any sacrifice for the preservation of the Republic; for we are its citizens.

    Only lately, Americans of German descent were reminded of their duty, and we noted with a great deal of satisfaction and pleasure how gladly they responded to the call to arms. We were proud to see them leave their homes, wives, and children to fight against sedition and treason and to stake their lives to save the Constitution and the Union. The many German regiments hailing from all states, the German guards in the slave states, the eagerness and ability displayed by German soldiers in battle, and the victorious stand of the German citizens of Missouri are irrefutable evidence that our fellow citizens of 4German extraction know what they owe this country and are meeting their obligations in a most gratifying manner.

    May they always be loyal and never tire in the performance of their consecrated work; and just as they quickly and eagerly rose in defense of their adopted country, so may they persevere and excel in battle. The greatest treasures of mankind, the existence of the Union and the preservation of a haven of liberty open to all who are oppressed, are at stake. We are convinced that our citizens of German descent will take positions in the front ranks during this holy War, and will show their English brothers how to appreciate and fight for liberty.

    We crossed the ocean and entered the Land of Promise, to live as human beings and free citizens on a free soil. The glorious banner of Stars and Stripes--not embroidered ...

    German
    I G, I J, I E
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- August 17, 1861
    German Rifle Company

    Headquarters of German Rifle Company,

    August 17, 1861.

    Dear Fellow Citizens: Today we are opening a recruiting station to organize an infantry company of riflemen which will be taken into active service immediately. We are depending not only on our comrades of the Reserve Rifle Company, many of whom would rather march against the enemy than serve in the ranks of Home Guards, to report to us, but also on all other patriotic citizens who are able to bear arms and who wish to attach themselves to a good rifle company.

    Further information may be had at the recruiting station located in Newberry's block on North Wells Street.

    H. Eschenburg,

    A. Borcherdt,

    A. Block.

    2

    (Editor's note: Mr. H. Eschenburg has been captain of the North Side Home Guards. He has his company well organized and has given them an excellent military training. He is a person in whom everyone who wishes to go to war for the Union may have the utmost confidence. We do not doubt in the least that this new company will be an excellent one. Ho! then, all you who have hesitated before, our country needs defenders!)

    Headquarters of German Rifle Company, August 17, 1861. Dear Fellow Citizens: Today we are opening a recruiting station to organize an infantry company of riflemen which will be taken into ...

    German
    I J, III D
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- August 26, 1861
    The American Turnerbund and the War. (Editorial)

    Although the North American Turnerbund is dead, it was never more alive than it is now. As an entity it has just about entered the final stage of decay; yet its component parts have developed strength and energy as never before, and the strength and energy displayed by the individual parts of the Bund are guarantees that later a larger and stronger national society will be established.

    Nobody need grieve about the dissolution of the defunct Turnerbund, for it had outlived its usefulness and was marked for destruction as long as five years ago. At that time a schism in its ranks wrought damage that was not repaired, despite all efforts of S. R. Wiesner, editor of Turnzeitung, the Society's official organ, to instill new life into the national association. 2When the Turnzeitung collapsed as a result of the April riots in Baltimore, the last hour of the North American Turnerbuad had come.

    It had accomplished much good during the time of its existence, before, as well as after the schism; it had introduced as a permanent branch of education--a branch of which Americans physical education were unaware--not only into German-American circles but those of Anglo-Americans as well. Through the scientific lectures of Schuenemann-Pott, Stallo, and Solger, the Bund had engendered and fostered much mental activity among many of our German-American youths; it had established several good elementary and evening schools, or had caused their established; it had worked hand in hand with singing societies to make a place for German male choruses in America. In political battles it had served as the vanguard of the German-American element for some time; for after having taken a firm stand (through the adoption of the "Buffalo" platform in the fall of 1855) for the principles of the Republican party, which had been organized but a few years before, it soon widened this platform, which originally was directed against the further spreading of slavery, by making 3a strong attack on slavery itself (sic); Through the establishment of rifle clubs the Bund had provided military training for some of its members, and thereby, as we shall see, it had laid the foundation for reorganization. [Translator's note: The author is in error if he means to create the impression that this was the first evidence of the anti-slavery attitude of Americans of German descent. Long before the birth of the Republican party, in fact, nearly a hundred years before the American Declaration of Independence was signed in 1688, German Menonites in Germantown, Pennsylvania, under the leadership of their pastor, the Reverend Daniel Pastorius, publicly protested against slavery as an institution.]

    Indeed, the Turnerbund had a long and honorable existence, but owing to indifference among the members its usefulness was impaired, and its services dwindled more and more. It would require too much time and space to trace all the causes of this indifference; we will mention briefly one of the chief causes, namely, the purely material tendencies which became especially noticeable after Turner saloons were opened in many cities. At that time individual 4Turner organizations actually were nothing but saloonkeepers' and beer speculators' associations; in some instances vain and idle formalism supplanted noble endearers and estranged many older members who had rendered valuable services and were the pillars of the organization.

    However, these bad symptoms began to vanish when the great battle against The Southern Rebels was begun....

    The Turner will see to it that history will relate and praise them for many more and much greater deeds. Even now they merit the distinction of having furnished proportionately more men for the army of the Union than any other association in the United States. Though they were snubbed, ridiculed, and neglected, their ardor for combat did not wave; moreover it grew when difficulties increased, and since Siegel and Willich issued their first warnings, Turner fighters have doubled their efforts.

    It is to be deplored that all Turners serving in the various regiments of 5the Union Army cannot be united into one large Turner corps, or perhaps into two; one could be placed under the command of Siegel, and the other under Willich, for they are both Turners. Perhaps it is better that they are distributed among the various corps, and that, for instance, the Turner rifle men of Cincinnati are operating in the mountains of West Virginia, the Turner rifle men of the State of New York are located at Fort Monroe, those of Philadelphia are in the vicinity of Alexandria, and some Turner of Chicago are serving in the southeastern part of Missouri. Their military efficiency and, we may add, their staunchness, zeal, and endeavor, which have been renewed and increased on the field of battle, and their desire to fight a war for the liberation of men from the bonds of slavery rather than a political war, have been a source of strength and inspiration for the various army corps, especially for the Germans troops. And that Turner are able to operate as larger units is evinced by the services of the New York Turner Regiment.

    Just as German Turners of the North, though they are spread over every part 6of the theatre of war, form in spirit one great brotherhood in arms, so they will form one great association, a regenerated and purified Turnerbund. The best and ablest German men will gladly join that Bund; for it will be their task, not only to resume the noble and elevating work of the old Turnerbund, but also to counteract the moral and physical debility which will follow in the wake of this great struggle, to prevent the atrophy of the good results of this war, and above all, to protect the good which Americans of German descent will reap from the victory of the North against the envy and wiles of nativism.

    Although the North American Turnerbund is dead, it was never more alive than it is now. As an entity it has just about entered the final stage of decay; yet ...

    German
    II B 3, III B 2, III D, I J, I G
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- October 09, 1861
    Let Each Citizen Serve His Country (Editorial)

    An English language publication justly complains that in many districts congressmen and senators spend the time when Congress is adjourned attending to their private affairs, and that they fail to show the slightest interest in the cause which is dear to the heart of every patriot.

    It is apparent that this conduct deserves a sharp reprimand. On account of his position, every member of Congress who possesses ability and a sense of patriotism can do much in his district to further the good cause; furthermore the people who elected him have a right to expect that he will be concerned about the interests of the public and the welfare of the nation. Pretty or forceful speeches made in Congress are praiseworthy, and they 2merit the gratitude of the country; but the duties of a representative of the people do not end therewith; he must also seek to successfully use his ability and influence outside the confines of Congress; and it is his special duty to use every means to furnish his constituents with aid. This is especially true during a crisis, at a time when all that our country stands for and everything that we esteem highly, is at stake.

    Recruiting must continue, since the Government needs many more troops, and many more subscriptions must be obtained to make the national loan a success. There is, generally speaking, much work to be done, and the ability of senators and representatives to organize and lead can be very useful; we hope that the people's representatives will not continue to neglect their duties. We refer especially to the Kentucky congressmen, about whom the newspapers of that state complain bitterly. Let them follow the example of their colleagues who have entered the army or organized regiments, and who have promoted the good cause of the Union by word and deed. When a ship is in 3great danger the captain issues the command: "All hands on deck!" This command has been heard also on the good ship "Union," and everyone who does not wish to be looked upon as a coward, or who wishes to avoid being branded a traitor to his country had better do everything in his power to keep the good ship "Union" afloat!

    An English language publication justly complains that in many districts congressmen and senators spend the time when Congress is adjourned attending to their private affairs, and that they fail to ...

    German
    I J, I F 5, I G
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- October 10, 1861
    A Weighty Voice for the Suppression of Slavery America's Most Prominent Catholic Writer Advocates the Abolition of Slavery (Editorial)

    Who among our people has not heard of Orestes Brownson, the genial editor of "Quarterly Review," the most important organ of the Catholic Church in America? Until a short time ago Mr. Brownson was averse to abolition. However, several months ago, he declared himself in favor of the principle of restricting slavery, and in the latest issue of his journal he advocates the outright abolition of slavery.

    He advances the following reasons for his new stand on the issue:

    "Hitherto I have opposed abolition because of my love for the Constitution; for I believe that more stress should be placed on the preservation of 2peace in America and the whole world, and on the safety of the Union with its Constitution, than on the abolition of slavery in the Southern States. But now I am convinced that slavery must be abolished in order to suppress the rebellion; indeed, we must abolish slavery to defend the Union, our liberty, and our form of government!

    "We have but one alternative," declares Mr. Brownson, "and this is especially true of our laboring class: either we must subdue the rebels, or the rebels will subdue free laborers. Either we must annihilate the Southern Confederacy, or it will force its rule upon the free states and reduce their laborers to serfdom. In that case freedom in non-slave states would be restricted to a privileged class, but our working classes would be deprived of their liberty and would be placed on the same level with the plantation slaves of the South. Then, instead of a Christian Republic founded on human rights as our fathers intended, we would have a heathen government founded on slavery, which is directly opposed to Christianity."

    3

    Mr. Brownson warns against taking this War too lightly. "Who is not for us in this crisis is against us," he says, "and must be treated as an enemy. The very existence of the nation is at stake. Since no means are being spared to destroy it, in accordance with the law of self-preservation we have the right to use any means necessary to preserve it. This War cannot be carried on successfully as long as we treat the Southern Rebels as friends and allow them all advantages, instead of harming them as much as possible. The Rebels are using all their power to subject us; therefore we must employ all our strength and resources to subdue them.

    "The slave population of the South is a natural means of overthrowing the South. The three million slaves of the South are a component part of the people of the United States; they owe our Government loyalty, but they are also entitled to the protection of the Federal Government.

    "The Government of the United States has the right not only to arm the whites in west Virginia and East Tennessee, but also to make friends and allies of 4the slaves, to equip them with guns and swords, and to put them in the armed forces of the country. It is of no consequence that these people have heretofore been slaves in the respective states according to law and custom; for the laws and customs of these states have been invalidated through the act of rebellion. All laws for the defense of the life and property of the Rebels have been repealed by the rebellion; the rebellion has deprived the Rebels of the right to live and to possess property. If that were not a fact, the Government of the United States would have no right to suppress the rebellion by force of arms, or to confiscate the property of the Rebels.

    "If the slaves are not considered as property, they are citizens of the United States, they owe the Federal Government loyalty, they are duty-bound to serve the Government, and, like all other loyal citizens, they are entitled to the protection of the United States.

    "If the United States was ever constrained to regard the Negroes of the 5South as slaves, that obligation was terminated by the rebellion and the Government must now accord the Negroes the rights and consideration due all free men, thereby removing the cause for the rebellion, slavery.

    "And if the slaves of the Rebel states are to be looked upon as chattel, the Government has the right to confiscate them just as it may confiscate the rice, cotton, or other property of the Rebels. This right is based on the Confiscation Act which was adopted by Congress August 4.

    "The argument that the suppression of slavery would estrange West Virginia And East Tennessee from the Union, and make enemies of Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri is anything but tenable; for it was just this eternal consideration for the South that misled the Government into following the detrimental policy of taking half measures. Fear is the most ignorant counselor, and a government which is reluctant to follow the best policy, fearing that friends who object to the procedure might be estranged, is lost. The boundary between friend and enemy must be well defined. In a crisis 6like the present one, lukewarm friends and they who are our friends only when we make concessions in behalf of their interests or give way to their prejudices, are worse than open enemies. Shall the Northern States sacrifice their lives and property merely to satisfy the pretensions of the slaveholders in Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri? That would be unjust and unreasonable. The slaveholders of Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri are as deeply obligated to sacrifice their slave property for the welfare of the Union as the Northern States are to sacrifice themselves and their possessions to quell the Rebels. Besides, loyal slaveholders could be reimbursed for any losses which they might suffer through granting their slaves freedom."

    As we note from Tuesday's issue of the New York Herald, which was delivered to us last evening, Archbishop Hughes felt duty-bound to offer a strong protest against this masterful article of Mr. Brownson. We shall comment on this protest tomorrow.

    Who among our people has not heard of Orestes Brownson, the genial editor of "Quarterly Review," the most important organ of the Catholic Church in America? Until a short time ...

    German
    I J, II B 2 d 2, III C, I G
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- October 11, 1861
    Archbishop Hughes on Abolition (Editorial)

    We have read the long article published by Archbishop Hughes in his organ, The Metropolitan Record, as a protest against Mr. Brownson, whose comments on abolition appeared in the columns of yesterday's issue of this paper, and we shall now give the essentials of Archbishop Hughes' article, and add our comments.

    In the opening paragraph the Archbishop makes the mistake of confounding with the old abolition the ever-increasing desire of a great part of our nation for the abolition of slavery. He perceives those who demand that the present crisis be utilized to do away with slavery as merely a "handful of old fanatical abolitionists" who regard the Constitution of the United States as a "pact with hell" and advocate that the Constitution be discarded and that slavery be abolished. He does not take into account that many thousands who previous to the outbreak of the Slaveholders Rebellion were against abolition and in favor of conscientiously sustaining constitutional guarantees to slavery, now, since the 2slaveholders are trampling upon the Constitution, demand that slavery be abolished, partly for military reasons and partly for political reasons; for a repetition of the Slaveholders Rebellion can be avoided only by the abolition of slavery. He does not realize that the aspect has been entirely changed by the Rebellion, that the slaveholders themselves have transferred the issue from the legal forum to the battlefield, and have abandoned it to the deadly thrusts of military laws.

    Had the Archbishop thought of what we have just stated, he would probably have refrained from making uncouth gibes against abolitionists, whom he accuses of letting others do their (the abolitionist's) fighting, and whom he advises to form a brigade consisting of abolitionists and to join it when it goes to the front. Now it is true that there are not many abolitionists of the old school among our armed forces--because there are not many of that clan who are still living. But in our army there are thousands who earnestly desire that slavery be terminated by this War, and they have shown at Carthage, at Centerville, at Springfield, and at Hatteras that they know how to fight.

    3

    The Archbishop attempts to refute Brownson's statement (which the South itself confirms) that slavery is the fundamental cause of the Rebellion, by advancing the following monstrous sophistries:

    "Slavery existed since the Declaration of Independence, and before; if slavery could ever have become the cause of a civil war between the people, between the states, or between the inhabitants of the Colonies, the civil war would have begun eighty or a hundred and seventy years ago. Thus it follows that slavery cannot be the cause of this War."

    What logic! We could just as well conclude: Patrick began drinking fusel oil in his early childhood; if fusel oil would have caused Pat's delirium tremens, he would have developed the disease in his childhood. Hence fusel oil cannot be the cause of the delirium tremens from which he is now suffering. The learned Archbishop should have known that American slavery did not come into prominence until after Whitney's invention of the cotton gin, that it gradually developed into a national economic power and thereby became a commanding political factor, and that it was not until it had attained this growth that it dared to 4take up the battle for political supremacy with the free states.

    He admits that Christianity, and especially Catholicism, is opposed to slavery on principle; but he says that where African slavery once existed, or where the present slaveholder is not responsible for the enslavement of his slaves, the Church would do no more than demand that the slaveholders maintain a benevolent and paternal attitude toward their slaves, and that the slaves be loyal to their masters--until Divine Providence sees fit to change this social system.

    Well--it is our opinion that now is the time Divine Providence saw fit to effect this change. Or is the Archbishop waiting for signs and miracles? According to our belief, the fact that these two social systems, free labor and slavery, have taken up arms against one another and are presently to be engaged in a battle of life and death is sufficient evidence that the hour has come. In the course of his article the Archbishop makes the superfluous admission that "the United States Government has the right to take the slaves from the slaveholders if military pressure demands it, but under no other conditions".

    5

    There is much truth in the next paragraph of the Archbishop's article. He criticizes the old abolitionists for having hastily demanded that slavery be abolished without giving any attention to the problem of what should be done with the emancipated Negroes? However, the Archbishop does not tell us who is to blame for this neglect.

    One certainly cannot blame fanatical idealists and enthusiasts, because they were the first ones to concern themselves with the problem of putting an end to slavery. They were entirely engrossed with the principle itself, and gave no thought to the manner or means of applying it. Had practical Americans taken up the problem of abolishing slavery, we would have known long ago how the emancipated Negro could be cared for.

    Well do we know that not idealism, but practical statesmanship can solve the slave question. But it cannot be solved by continually advising people to keep their hands off the matter and await divine intervention, as the Archbishop suggests. And no one can contribute to the solution of the problem by 6repeating this admonition at this time when Providence has given the signals to act--the beating of the drum, the call of the trumpet, and the roar of the cannon.

    No--it is the sacred duty of just men who exercise a powerful moral influence upon a part of the people, as Archbishop Hughes does, to request that the people abolish slavery, and thus they will arouse the American people to solve the great problem.

    As soon as this problem is fully and honestly discussed, suitable proposals for its solution will be forthcoming, and the National Legislature will then be able to select the best ones.

    We have read the long article published by Archbishop Hughes in his organ, The Metropolitan Record, as a protest against Mr. Brownson, whose comments on abolition appeared in the columns ...

    German
    I J, III C
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- November 05, 1861
    Town Clerk of South Chicago (Editorial)

    We consider it to be our duty to call the attention of German voters who live on the South Side to the fact that Mr. Leonhardt Lamperts, one of our ablest German fellow citizens, is a candidate for the office of Town Clerk. Mr. Lamperts served as gauger for several years. Although that public office pays but a very small salary, Lamperts' work was very satisfactory to our businessmen as well as to the public. In gratitude for these faithful labors, and in recognition of his many efforts in behalf of the cause of the Union, Mr. Lamperts was driven from office by the present Mayor to make room for a man who was willing to be the tool of the Court-House clique. Mr. Lamperts was nominated for the office of Town Clerk at the convention which was held at Bryan's Hall, and he is well fitted to perform the duties of this office, the income from which is also exceedingly small. We hope that Mr. Lamperts will be elected.

    We consider it to be our duty to call the attention of German voters who live on the South Side to the fact that Mr. Leonhardt Lamperts, one of our ...

    German
    I F 1, I F 6, I J
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- November 05, 1861
    The Resolutions of the Union Meeting (Editorial)

    Even though the union meeting held at Bryan's Hall has been productive of no good whatever, every freedom-loving German is honor-bound to subscribe to the resolutions which were passed. These resolutions contain the principles that General John Fremont laid down in his proclamation. They have caused proslavery people much pain, and the Democratic committee has publicly denounced them and declared that no Democrat is obligated to support candidates who do not openly disavow these resolutions.

    These pro-slavers are led by W. C. Goudy, a candidate for the constitutional convention, and he did everything he possibly could to prevent the adoption of these resolutions. What liberal-minded German will vote for a pro-slavery man while our soldiers are shedding their blood and dying on the battlefields to overthrow the accursed slave barons? Not one.

    2

    Therefore, we call upon all citizens of German descent to vote for Johann Heinrich Muehlke and Elliott Anthony:

    Even though the union meeting held at Bryan's Hall has been productive of no good whatever, every freedom-loving German is honor-bound to subscribe to the resolutions which were passed. These ...

    German
    I J, III D, I F 1, I F 3, I G
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- November 08, 1861
    German Mass Meeting

    Our Government has taken the fateful step. Fremont has been deposed.

    The President's decision against Fremont is irrevocable, and as citizens of the Republic we must submit to it. However, even the War, Which has Already demanded great sacrifices and continues to demand more every day, must not prevent us from expressing our opinion about this unfortunate act. The Constitution still guarantees us freedom of speech. Let us make use of it, German fellow citizens! A mass meeting will be held in the large hall of the German House, Saturday, November 9, 1861, at 8 P. M., and all fellow citizens of German descent who are true to Fremont are invited to attend and to express their opinion about this matter. Able speakers will address the assembly.

    C. Kaehler

    2

    Louis Schlick

    Gotthilf Willig [and thirty others].

    [Translator's note: In the following issue of this paper, November 9, a notice appeared to the effect that the meeting will be held in the North Market Hall instead of the German House.]

    Our Government has taken the fateful step. Fremont has been deposed. The President's decision against Fremont is irrevocable, and as citizens of the Republic we must submit to it. However, ...

    German
    I G, I J
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- November 09, 1861
    German Citizens, Attend the Mass Meeting! (Editorial)

    It is hardly necessary to remind our readers that it is very desirable that today's German demonstration for Fremont be as imposing as possible. Without the help of the Germans Mr. Lincoln would not be sitting in the White House now; had it not been for the votes of the Germans Mr. Lincoln would never have entered the White House as President; and had it not been for the German soldiers he would have fled his palatial abode long ago. Thus the Germans have every right to express themselves freely concerning Mr. Lincoln's political or martial edicts.

    As good citizens of this country we cannot, and shall not, rebel against the President's decree which relieved Fremont of his command; but it is our right and duty to publicly express our sincere regret at the Administration's treatment of Mr. Fremont, a champion of the Union and of liberty, and an upright and unprejudiced friend of the Germans. It is also our right and our duty to 2protest publicly against the half measures of the Administration and the indecision which characterizes the steps the Government has taken against the Rebels. We need not permit ourselves to be diverted from exercising our rights by the croaking of a servile and corruptible Government press which condemns us as disloyal citizens because we protest the ruinous policy of the Administration. We criticize the Administration because it offers too little resistance against the Rebels, not because it opposes them too forcefully. But who is truly loyal: he who seeks to instill in the President the courage and energy necessary to subdue the Rebels, or he who servilely supports the President's policy, which is very detrimental to the cause of the Union, merely to obtain political patronage? Any honest German, be he Republican or Democrat, can easily answer this question. Therefore, all ye Germans, attend the Fremont meeting!

    It is hardly necessary to remind our readers that it is very desirable that today's German demonstration for Fremont be as imposing as possible. Without the help of the Germans ...

    German
    I J, III D, I F 1, I G