The Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey was published in 1942 by the Chicago Public Library Omnibus Project of the Works Progress Administration of Illinois. The purpose of the project was to translate and classify selected news articles that appeared in the foreign language press from 1855 to 1938. The project consists of 120,000 typewritten pages translated from newspapers of 22 different foreign language communities of Chicago.

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  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- September 07, 1861
    Report of the Agent of the German Society of Chicago for August, 1861 by F. Schlund

    Employment secured for 152
    Relatives or friends located for 18
    Prevented from going astray 5
    Helped in money or check matters 13
    Families provided with lodging 2
    Sick supported 3
    Provided medical aid or medicine for 3
    Attended to correspondence for 57
    Made loans to 2
    Located lost baggage for 4

    The number of immigrants has diminished greatly, especially during the last half of this month. The opposition which the Quebec and Canadian Railroad furnished 2for eastern ports and railroads, by lowering the rates for immigrants, has had a favorable outcome in that the Erie Railroad has reduced its fare from $11 to $9.50, and the Pennsylvania Railroad from $11 to $9.35. Had these two Railroads put these prices into effect at the beginning of the present immigration season, the poor immigrants would have saved thousands of dollars. They would not have sailed for Canadian ports, and would have encouraged others to come directly to America. It appears that the railroads are not aware of the importance of immigration; and for that reason I have taken the liberty of using the American as well as the European press to explain how the transportation systems here and abroad may benefit by granting emigrants and immigrants reason able passage rates. And my first attempt was crowned with success; within the last two months the fare from New York to Chicago has been reduced by $2.50. I have reason to believe that all German societies in America will co-operate with me. Therefore, in due time, I shall inform people in Europe about the differences in the rates of various American railroads, and I shall make note of the way immigrants are treated by each road, and the amount of baggage each transports free of charge. Delay in the transportation of baggage has two chief 3causes, and may easily be avoided by immigrants. All baggage consigned to western points is transferred at Castle Garden without check, but is recorded. If such baggage arrives at its destination, all is well; but if it is lost, stolen, or mis-sent, then the immigrant has no receipt or other means of recovering it or obtaining its value in cash. Therefore, let no one deliver any kind of baggage to a railroad company which refuses to issue a receipt. When immigrants pay in advance for "overweight" baggage, they receive baggage checks and are thus protected; if anyone has sufficient money to pay for "overweight" baggage at Castle Garden, he should not fail to do so.

    Another matter which annoys many immigrants is the fact that passengers who have previously purchased their railroad tickets in Europe receive very little attention, and this also applies to their baggage; for as most people know, railroad agents are paid a commission on the tickets they sell. Although there is a great deal of hard work connected with the handling of baggage, the agents who must do this work do not receive a penny of pay for it; these conditions are similar to those which prevail in German cafes and saloons where the employees 4are dependent upon the tips which patrons give them.

    It is regrettable that the Chicago and Milwaukee Railroad Company does not take directly to their destination passengers who arrive here during the evening en route to Milwaukee. The present arrangement does not permit them to complete their trip until the next morning, and then via freight train. When passengers arrive on Saturday evening they are forced either to remain here two nights or change their tickets at a cost of $1.30.

    Immigrants who are not bound for Milwaukee, but for other points in Wisconsin, can proceed to their destination at once, since the Northwestern Railroad has not discontinued its night service to the North. Consequently, as soon as trains arrive from the east, the passengers who wish to reach some city or town in Wisconsin can continue their journey without interruption, loss of time, or added cost. It is very difficult to understand why the Chicago and Milwaukee road have made such undesirable arrangements. Or does that Company believe that it can improve the business of the Milwaukee Grand Haven Line by forcing 5upon immigrants the choice of either traveling to Milwaukee via Grand Haven, Michigan or paying an extra fare of $1.30 to get to Milwaukee on the same night of their arrival in Chicago? If that is the Company's idea, it will find that it is mistaken; for.there is more than one way to get to Wisconsin.

    <table> <tr> <td>Employment secured for</td> <td>152</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Relatives or friends located for</td> <td>18</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Prevented from going astray</td> <td>5</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Helped in money or check matters</td> <td>13</td> ...

    III H, II D 10, II D 8
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- February 26, 1862
    A Letter from Fritz Anneke

    Camp Murphy, Indiana,

    February 20, 1862.

    To the Editor of the Illinois Staats-Zeitung: A news item which appeared in yesterday's issue of your newspaper forces me to write about myself in the press, although I do not like to do so. The item referred to reads: "Colonel Fritz Anneke and the artillery corps which he trained well at Indianapolis will now leave for the battlefield." If this were correct, I would have no reason to bring my name before the public. Unfortunately, however, the statement is only partially correct, and it occurs to me that I owe it to myself, my friends, my acquaintances, and perhaps to the German citizens of the United States to make an explanation in regard to the true status of affairs. My "artillery corps," as you call it--it is actually ten batteries of six guns each--has gone to the battlefield; I, however, am detained here. And now I 2shall proceed to explain this fact.

    Nobody could have had a greater desire to participate in this War against the Rebels, than I. It so happened that I was in Switzerland when hostilities began, and did not have the necessary financial means to come to the United States immediately. Several attempts to obtain these means from our ambassadors in Europe were in vain. During the first part of September a good friend finally persuaded Professor Kinkel to advance the money to me from the German "Revolution Loan". Without hesitating a moment I left my family at Zurich and hastened to the United States with the sole intention of fighting for the cause of freedom in our beloved adopted country. On landing in New York I was informed that the Governor of Wisconsin had appointed me commander of an artillery regiment which was to be organized. I hastened to Wisconsin without stopping to visit friends and relatives whom I had not seen in years. The Governor of Wisconsin sent me to Washington to confer with the Secretary of War about equipment for my regiment, and after spending three weeks there I 3accomplished nothing save that I obtained an order to the Governor of Wisconsin to send my regiment to Louisville, Kentucky. This order was not carried out, however, because Governor Randall declared that he would not permit any troops to leave his state until they had been fully clothed and paid; and there could be no thought of complying with this demand. The number of my men increased to eleven hundred; but week after week passed without any better prospect of leading my regiment to the battlefield. Much time elapsed before the necessary uniforms were provided, and there was no thought of equip-ping us with cannon, horses, etc. Meanwhile, I received letters and telegrams which had been circling the country for weeks, requesting that I assume the command over the artillery forces of the state of Indiana. After a lengthy correspondence in regard to the matter, I finally decided to accept the offer because what I had heretofore heard about military preparations in Indiana led me to believe that I would be able to enter active service and see action more quickly through the authorities of that state than through those of Wisconsin.


    Upon my arrival in Indianapolis I found that the Governor's original plan to organize the artillery of this state was altered, inasmuch as I did not receive command of all the artillery forces, but only the four which have been sent to Kentucky and eight others, still to be organized, which have been designated as the "Second Artillery Regiment". Since I could not begin carrying out plans to establish the eight batteries, I went to Kentucky, with the permission of the Governor, to inspect the four batteries sent there from Indiana, and to give them the instructions and additional training I knew they needed. General Buell, the commanding officer of the army corps told me that he could not allow me to exercise any authority whatsoever over the batteries which were attached to his army corps, because I had not yet been enrolled in the service of the United States, and that I could not be enrolled until my regiment had twelve complete batteries.

    So I was obliged to return to Indianapolis without having attained my object, and confine my activity to organization. I encountered many difficulties.


    Aside from the fact that recruiting proceeded very slowly, since the state had already sent five per cent of its elligible men to the battlefields, I found it hard to acquire,the necessary artillery equipment, which, as you undoubtedly know, is very composite. In order to remove these difficulties, which I had foreseen, I selected the capitol city of the state as a place to establish a training camp, where I intended to concentrate the batteries and give them a thorough practical military education. Governor Morton promised repeatedly that no battery should be sent to the battlefield unless I had declared the unit ready for service. A four-week thorough training might have been sufficient to enable the men to render the most necessary services. However, I was not given sufficient time nor opportunity to give them even that much training. The batteries were ordered to the front just when they were prepared to receive and benefit by thorough instruction. There was no reason to send them to Kentucky, and evidently it was done merely to remove them from my supervision. After they had been idle in Camp Louisville for several weeks, they were sent to Cairo. Eight days thereafter three more 6batteries were ordered to Louisville--in such haste that one might have thought that the entire Rebel Army was approaching Louisville. Two of these batteries had neither horses nor cannon; and today, after two weeks, they are still idle at camp. The authorities, it is said, intend to equip them with twenty-four-pounders. The third battery is still in camp near Jeffersonville, on this side of the Ohio. Late one evening, two weeks ago, I received orders to send the last battery which I had in camp to Cairo immediately. This contingent left the next morning. It had only forty horses, instead of one hundred and ten, because a few weeks before orders had come from Washington that no more horses be bought here, and I had received no answer to my letters and telegrams requesting the horses necessary for my regiment. Today the Commander of the battery stationed at Cairo informed me that he cannot get any horses there, but must procure them from Indiana.

    While all batteries, excepting two which I have just begun to train, have been taken from me before they were sufficiently instructed and drilled; while ten 7batteries of my regiment (about fifteen hundred men) are with the army on the battlefield; I am forced to remain here in camp. They are forcing me to remain here, although I have asked repeatedly to be sent to the front with my batteries, although I have received promise over promise that my request would be granted, although there is a great lack of experienced artillery officers, although there is not one single experienced artillepman in the batteries comprising my regiment, although all officers, lieutenants, and men of my regiment, about seven-eights of which consist of native Americans, request that I instruct and lead them, and have voiced their complete confidence in me. Governor Morton has assured me that nobody, not excluding myself, takes a greater interest in the adjustment of my personal position than he; on this he has given me his word of honor. A week ago he informed me that the Assistant Secretary of War, Colonel Scott, had promised him that my case should be taken care of immediately. I am awaiting the fulfillment of this promise daily. So far I have had no further news. I cannot understand what reason there can be for treating me thus. It is a strange procedure, indeed. First 8it was said that I would have to have twelve batteries in order to be eligible for service in the United States Army. Now there is a rumor that the War Ministry or the High Command of the Army does not want to have any staff--officers in artillery regiments--which consists of volunteers.

    You will admit that the treatment which I have received is enough to make anybody impatient. I have told Governor Morton that I promised the soldiers of my regiment that I would lead them in battle as a colonel, or, if that were not possible, as a gunner, and that I was convinced that they would accept my advice or execute my orders.

    Fritz Anneke.

    Camp Murphy, Indiana, February 20, 1862. To the Editor of the Illinois Staats-Zeitung: A news item which appeared in yesterday's issue of your newspaper forces me to write about myself ...

    I J, III H, III D, I G, IV
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- March 06, 1862
    Major General Franz Sigel! (Editorial)

    Since the Tuesday afternoon dispatches did not confirm the news that Franz Sigel had been appointed Major General, we sent the following telegram to our Congressman, Isaac N. Arnold:

    "We published your dispatch about the appointment of Franz Sigel as Major General in an extra edition. The dispatches of the Journal do not confirm the report. Please advise us."

    In answer to the above we received the following telegram from Mr. Arnold:

    "Sigel was appointed Major General and the Senate confirmed the appointment."

    And yesterday we received the following letter which Mr. Arnold wrote on 2Monday:

    "I have just sent you a telegram stating that your favorite, heroic Franz Sigel, is now Major General Sigel. No appointment could give me more pleasure than this one. Sigel certainly deserved it as recognition of his services. Our Germans have also merited this recognition of their patriotic and noble devotion to the cause of the Union. I congratulate you!


    "Isaac N. Arnold."

    So Sigel is really a Major General; however it required many a hard struggle to obtain this well earned distinction for him. His deeds and those of his fellow Americans of German descent were his best and most effective intercessors. On the other hand, powerful and influential persons rose up against him.


    The nativists, especially the military nativists, seem to have actually conspired against him to prevent his appointment. No ways and means were to low nor too infamous for their purposes, and even a few days before his promotion they circulated unfavorable reports about him in Government circles at Washington. We cite this one for example: In order to deprive him of his good reputation as a European General, they spread the rumor that the General Sigel who led the Bavarian Revolutionary Army is not the Sigel who is now in America, but an uncle of the latter. This is but one of many false rumors which were disseminated. And the tactlessness of some of Sigel's friends, who published confidential private conversations and private letters of the Major General, in which he frankly voiced his opinion of his superiors, even the President, played into the hands of his enemies.

    These obstacles never would have been removed by resolutions of German mass meetings or through the efforts of German deputations. There was only one way to fight these enemies successfully, only one way to enforce Sigel's claims to promotion: by having liberal minded and fair minded congressmen 4exert their influence upon the President.

    The entire course of the Sigel matter shows that the procedure followed by the Illinois Staats-Zeitung was the only correct one. Representatives I.N. Arnold, Washburne, and Lovejoy of Illinois, and Representative Ashley of Ohio very willingly complied with our request that they intercede with the President in Sigel's behalf. Mr. Arnold was in constant correspondence with us in order to obtain the necessary information to refute the charges which were made against Sigel in Washington. These Representatives deserve the eternal gratitude of all German-Americans. The President, too, has earned our thanks for not permitting himself to be misled by nativistic misrepresentations, and for being just to the Germans and to their heroic champion.

    And since it was so difficult to win this triumph of Sigel, it must be considered a great and enduring triumph of Germanism over Nativism. It will create a very favorable impression in Germany; and the Homestead Act and the repeal of the Massachussetts Amendment will prove to the Germans in 5the old country that the great principle of equality which was embodied in the Chicago Platform on demand of the Germans of this city, is a living and vitalizing principle, and that it will be strengthened and expanded by the present War, no matter whether hostilities continue for a long time, or whether they are terminated in a short while.

    Since the Tuesday afternoon dispatches did not confirm the news that Franz Sigel had been appointed Major General, we sent the following telegram to our Congressman, Isaac N. Arnold: "We ...

    I J, II B 2 d 1, III D, III H, I F 3, I C
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 13, 1863
    German Citizens of Chicago Hold Emancipation Meeting

    An emancipation meeting was called to order by Mr. Miller at 8 o'clock, after the Chicago Arbeiterverein Chorus, led by the Great Western Band, had arrived, having displayed in a parade a large banner inscribed "Emancipation Proclamation, January 1, 1863.

    On recommendation of Mr. Miller, Mr. Brown was elected chairman, and he explained the purpose of the meeting in a brief but excellent address.

    Thereupon Mr. Caspar Butz ascended the speaker's platform and said:

    "I believed that the time of mass meetings had passed; but I was mistaken. The news of emancipation has been published and the Emancipation Act went into effect on January 1, 1863, and the fact that so many of my German friends have assembled here is evidence that this measure of the President has found 2great favor with them.

    "Our people have commendable characteristics. In this War they have shown an endurance and a courage which are unique in the annals of man.

    "It has been said that emancipation will cause Negroes to flock to the North, but that assumption is wrong; on the contrary, it is just emancipation that will keep Negroes in the South. Repeal emancipation, and the Negroes will soon be knocking at your door.

    "I would like to say to the gentlemen who are trying to sow the seed of discord among us Northerners: 'Take care, the people have cast their eyes upon you and will know how and where to find you.'

    "What do they want? Peace? A nation which has more than eight hundred thousand men under arms can make peace only on the field of battle. [Translator's note: Verbatim. It is not clear from the connection, who "they" refers to.]


    "But, I tell you, that these traitors will soon lose courage, when they realize that the people, the workers among the people, will find ways and means of protecting their own interests. It is our duty to be on our guard and to watch, so that the advantages which our brave German soldiers have gained by shedding their blood on the battlefield are not lost."

    The assembly loudly and generously applauded the speaker. While the band played a patriotic selection, the banner which the Arbeiterverein brought was hoisted and gave rise to much cheering. The ensign was inscribed with the words: "In union there is strength."

    Mr. Butz then read the following resolutions which were unanimously adopted by the assembly:

    "Whereas, In a time of great danger for the country, when the bloodiest war the world has ever known is being waged by civilization against barbarians, and when the fate of our beloved fatherland is being decided, it is the duty of every 4true patriot to lift up his voice in behalf of the bleeding country; be it therefore

    "Resolved, That we have not yet lost faith in those principles which once called this Republic into being, and that we will always esteem them very highly, since the best blood of the country now copiously flows for the protection of these principles--the eternal principles of liberty, equality, and justice. Be it further

    "Resolved, That we are firmly convinced that, as far as we are concerned, this War is a war for the preservation of our constitutional freedom, and of the blessings accruing from such freedom, and that, to use the words of a prominent man, 'when the bloody despotism of the slaveholder challenges us, crying: "The worker shall be a slave," we, the free citizens of the North, answer: defiantly "The worker shall be a free man!"' Be it further

    "Resolved, That while we deplore the mistakes which the Administration has made, 5and the evident lack of knowledge of the principles of effective warfare, and the corruption prevalent among so many officials, we consider the Emancipation Proclamation to be a herald of better days, marking January 1,1863 as one of the most memorable days in the history of America, as the beginning of a new era of freedom. Be it further

    "Resolved, That we ask the President to abide by the decision which he has made, since retrogression at this time would result in the destruction of the most magnificent temple that was ever built on earth--the temple of freedom; and that we also ask him either to force his present counselors on constitutional matters to aid him in carrying out his policy, or replace them with men who understand the trend of the times. Be it further

    "Resolved, That the nation cannot dispense with the services of men like John Fremont or Butler, the able leader who was the first general to teach us how to suppress the Rebellion, and like brave Turchin, and many other patriots who did much for the cause of the Union. Be it further


    "Resolved, That we thank Richard Yates, Governor of Illinois, for his excellent statesmanlike, patriotic, and inspiring message, which, as we are firmly convinced, expresses the true attitude of the great majority of the people of the United States. Be it further

    "Resolved, That we warn those senators and representatives in Springfield who contemplate treason but have not the courage to execute their infamous schemes, to watch their step, since the people of this state are on the alert and will not tolerate treason to run rampant in Illinois as it did in Missouri. Be it further

    "Resolved, That the infamous parts contained in the Constitution of the state of Illinois, the so-called 'black laws,' are a disgrace to a free state, and inconsistent with the recently issued glorious decree of freedom, and that we hope that the day will soon come when the people themselves will delete the obnoxious statutes from our legal code. Be it further

    "Resolved, That the chairman of this meeting is authorized and requested to 7send a copy of these resolutions to President Abraham Lincoln, to Governor Richard Yates, and to the patriotic members of the Cook County delegation in Springfield, so that the latter may present them to the state legislature."

    The reading of these resolutions fairly electrified the assembly, and there was loud and prolonged cheering when Butler's name was mentioned.

    Thereupon the Chorus of the Arbeiterverein rendered a selection under the leadership of Director Rein.

    Mr. Wilhelm Rapp then spoke to the vast throng. Lack of space and time make it necessary to publish only the more important statements which he made. He said in part:

    "To begin with, I bring you greetings from our esteemed friend Kapp, who was to be the principal speaker this evening, but had to go to St. Louis on very 8important business that could not be postponed. No doubt, he is with us in spirit. And if Willich, the champion of our cause, knew what has happened in this meeting, his heart would leap for joy, despite the fact that he is suffering in captivity. The spirit of Willich also rules in the hearts of other great men of German origin, for instance, in Franz Sigel, who was obliged to remain in Dumfries, like a chained lion, while the battle of Frederickburg was in progress. "Today, my friends, we are celebrating the victory of freedom, the victory which the liberal War party won over our weak Administration. However, I do not believe that the Proclamation will be enforced, as long as such a man as W. H. Steward heads the Cabinet at Washington. Indeed, I am certain, that even we could accomplish much more, if we applied our wonted Teuton energy, though we are inclined to be somewhat rough at times.

    "I do not blame the President, because he does not understand external politics; but now he has called a man from the South who knows very much about the subject; I refer to Benjamin F. Butler. (Loud applause.) He had shown that he does, even before he left New Orleans. He is the man whom I would place at the 9head of the Cabinet. In addition, his appointment to that position is desirable on account of the present status of interior affairs. Mumford was hanged in New Orleans because he trampled upon our national flag. In Chicago, too, there are people who commit similar despicable acts, and heretofore the Government has not had the courage to do more than place them under arrest. That is a poor policy. They should either be set free, or should be made to bear the full punishment for their evil deeds.

    "Last week the Democrats in the state legislature at Springfield even contemplated removing Governor Yates from office and offered the position of Provisional Governor to Mr. Richardson. However, he declined, because he said he was constantly bothered by dreams about ropes. No doubt, this man was thinking about Butler.

    "I do not hold the Democrats responsible for the acts of their leaders. Very likely they (the Democrats) now realize that they have been deceived by the men who head their party.


    "Therefore, it is the duty of our German Democratic friends to leave the party that has trifled with their feelings. They should not obligate themselves in any manner, but be independent, as we are; we are not dependent upon our leaders, and have proved that today, when we criticized and made recommendations to President Abraham Lincoln.

    "This meeting was arranged by the Arbeiterverein. This Society recognizes that this battle is a battle of workers and have so indicated very clearly in the resolutions they made here today."

    The speaker concluded by pointing out that the English proletarians have taken the same viewpoint.

    Thereupon the Arbeiterverein Chorus sang "The Battle Cry of Freedom".

    Mr. [A. C.] Hesing was now asked to address the assembly, but he declined the honor, recommending that Dr. Schmidt be called upon.


    Dr. Schmidt took the speakers stand and made a brief address. He said, "I am greatly moved today by the memory of the fact that December 2, 1859, a small group of men met in Kinzie Hall, to mourn the death of a man who was unquestionably the first champion of the present great movement for liberty, equality, and justice, and who became a martyr to the ideals of freedom. John Brown undoubtedly was the herald of the great change which is now being effected in the nation."

    Dr. Schmidt spoke in glowing terms of the blessed results of emancipation and concluded his address amid loud cheers.

    He was followed by Mr. C. H. Hawley, who spoke in English.

    Adjournment took place after the Arbeiterverein Chorus rendered another selection.

    The Hall was so crowded that many persons found only standing room, and fully 12one sixth of the assembly consisted of ladies.

    Thus ended the largest meeting ever held by Germans in Chicago, the emancipation meeting of the Chicago Arbeiterverein.

    An emancipation meeting was called to order by Mr. Miller at 8 o'clock, after the Chicago Arbeiterverein Chorus, led by the Great Western Band, had arrived, having displayed in a ...

    III B 2, III H, I E, I G, I C, IV
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- February 22, 1867
    The Moegling Society

    Yesterday the treasurer received the following contributions: Chicago Turngemeinde, $100; [names of smaller contributors, fifty-one in number, omitted in translation]; total, $323.75. Previously acknowledged, $512; grand total $835.75. Collectors are requested to report to our office every afternoon before five o'clock. [Translator's note: This money was being collected for the relief of the sick and destitute German patriot, Theodor Moegling.]

    Yesterday the treasurer received the following contributions: Chicago Turngemeinde, $100; [names of smaller contributors, fifty-one in number, omitted in translation]; total, $323.75. Previously acknowledged, $512; grand total $835.75. Collectors are ...

    II D 10, III H
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- February 28, 1867
    The Moegling Society

    Friederich Hecker, an old friend and war comrade of Theodor Moegling, writes:

    "In Germany people always have money for various kinds of amusements and sports, but it has long been a custom there to let patriots starve.

    "Moegling, who resigned from a lucrative office for the sake of the people, and who fought for liberty not only in parliament but also on the battlefield, where he courageously led his band against the enemy, was wounded severely and crippled permanently. He has a just claim to immediate help from all patriots. And even if the Germans in Germany have nothing but pleasant words to offer him, Americans of German descent will set a good example for their former countrymen. We Americans of German parentage will give no one just cause to say that we permitted German patriots to succumb to misery and need."

    In this connection, we wish to inform our readers that the noble example set 2by the Chicago Turngemeinde has not been in vain. The St. Louis Turngemeinde has taken the necessary steps to join in helping Moegling, and in Cincinnati, at a meeting of Germans under the chairmanship of Gereral Wilich, it was voted to render the "German patriot in Germany" all possible aid.

    In Chicago, $1501.25 has been contributed to date; and although Chicago leads all other cities in the United States, there are quite a few local Germans who have been blessed with this world's goods in no small measure but who have not yet opened their hearts and their pocketbooks to lend a hand in this worthy cause. We hope they will respond to our appeal very shortly.

    Friederich Hecker, an old friend and war comrade of Theodor Moegling, writes: "In Germany people always have money for various kinds of amusements and sports, but it has long been ...

    II D 10, III H
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- April 05, 1867
    The Moegling Society

    Yesterday, a package containing $2,500 in United States Government bonds was sent via United States Express to New York, from where it will be forwarded to its destination. Mr. Colvin, Superintendent of the United States Express Company, made no charge for the services of his organization. The package contains the following letter:

    "Mrs. Louise Moegling,


    "Kingdom of Wuerttemberg, Germany.

    "Dear Madam: Through an appeal published in a New York literary magazine by Doctor Heinrich Tiedemann, of Philadelphia, we received the sad news that your husband, Theodor Moegling, the German patriot and champion of liberty, who was wounded in the battle of Waghaeusel and suffered for his people for ten years in the prison at Bruchsal, is now a patient in an asylum for the 2insane as a result of brutal treatment at the hands of prison officers. We also learned that you have not the means to pay the cost of adequate medical treatment for your beloved husband, and that you and your small son are actually in need of the necessaries of life. Your cry for help has been heard here, and the Germans in the republic of North America have been deeply stirred, especially the Germans in the city of Chicago.

    "If Germany lets her patriots and her tested men starve, while her imperial generals are showered with wealth, then the free German citizens of this Union will have to pay the debt of gratitude to unfortunate and deserted patriots. As soon as we Chicago Germans were informed of the sad plight of Theodor Moegling, we established a Moegling Society, and since Doctor Tiedemann requested that immediate help be rendered, we sent $500 to you three days after we read the Doctor's appeal. In the meantime, we collected $2,500 and invested it in United States Government bonds. It was our intention to provide a safe investment from which you may draw a small but sure income, after having cared for your immediate needs. The first interest payment on 3the bonds is due May 1, and will amount to $75, or 1871/2 gulden, which you may collect by presenting the coupons to your bank. We hope and wish that this small investment will be increased to such an extent by contributions from Germans in other cities of the United States that you will be protected against want, and that you will no longer be harassed by worry while caring for the education of your son and attending to the recovery of your husband.

    "Should Theodor Moegling be blessed with a lucid moment when you are present, please tell him that there are men on the other side of the ocean who have not forgotten him and who will not permit tried and true patriots, or the members of their families, to suffer want.

    "Please accept our sincere sympathy in the severe trials and misfortunes that have beset you and your worthy husband.

    "Very respectfully yours,


    "The Committee of the Moegling Society,

    "Lorenz Brentano, chairman,

    "Heinrich Greenbaum, secretary,

    "Julius Standau, treasurer."

    When an acknowledgement of this gift is received, we shall publish it.

    Yesterday, a package containing $2,500 in United States Government bonds was sent via United States Express to New York, from where it will be forwarded to its destination. Mr. Colvin, ...

    II D 10, III H
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- July 11, 1867
    Report of the Society for the Aid of German Immigrants April 1 to July 5, 1867


    Cash on hand, April 1, 1867 $317.78
    Dues received during quarter 601.90
    Loans repaid 30.00
    Rent received 11.50
    Total $961.18


    Aid to immigrants $285.95
    Agent's salary for quarter 180.00
    Rent for quarter $76.00
    Office supplies, postage, etc 27.65
    Advertising and printing 50.70
    Solicitor's salary 62.40
    Total $655.70 (sic)
    Balance July 5, 1867 305.48

    There are 347 contributing members, and 102 noncontributing. The Society also loaned $150 to an immigrant. This money is fully secured.

    C. Knobelsdorff, secretary.

    Receipts <table> <tr> <td>Cash on hand, April 1, 1867</td> <td>$317.78</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Dues received during quarter</td> <td>601.90</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Loans repaid</td> <td>30.00</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Rent received</td> <td>11.50</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Total</td> ...

    II D 10, III H
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- December 12, 1867

    The undersigned held a meeting last night in the Chicago Turnhalle (Turner Hall), and decided to call a mass meeting of German citizens for the purpose of organizing to aid the unfortunate people who lost their property when the city of Johann-Georgenstadt, in Saxony, Germany, was destroyed by fire.

    All who are interested in this benevolent project, especially those who emigrated from Saxony, are requested to meet at the store of Oertel and Foerster, which is located at the corner of Clark and Indiana Streets, on Monday evening, December 12, 1867, at half past seven.

    Chicago, December 10, 1867

    G. Claussenius, Charles Rietz, C. Oehle....Translator's note: [The names of thirty-eight more men are omitted in translation.]

    The undersigned held a meeting last night in the Chicago Turnhalle (Turner Hall), and decided to call a mass meeting of German citizens for the purpose of organizing to aid ...

    II D 10, III H
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- December 19, 1867
    Mass Meeting of Naturalized Citizens

    A great number of Germans, Irish, French, Italians, Scandinavians, and members of other nationalities that immigrated to this country met at Farwell Hall last night, for the purpose of hearing addresses concerning the enactment of suitable legislation for the protection of citizens of the United States who are in foreign countries, and adopting pertinent resolutions. Of course, the meeting, called by some of our citizens, was entirely spontaneous, and none of the party leaders who were present and spoke offered any advice about saving the country, but confined their remarks to the issue.

    Eduard Schlaeger, chairman of the arrangement committee, opened the meeting, and said:

    "The committee has played the overture, it is up to you to stage the drama. Since our native citizens are just as much interested in this matter as the naturalized citizens are, we have chosen Mayor J. B. Rice to act as official 2representative of the City of Chicago and to preside over this meeting."

    Mayor Rice stated that the Government of the United States had always wanted to protect its naturalized citizens, and now finally felt strong enough to risk carrying out its good intentions.

    In a letter to the committee, Governor Ogelsby stated that the Government of the United States would use all its resources to protect its adopted citizens just as it protects its native citizens, in foreign countries as well as at home.

    Thomas Hoyne declared that England had learned, in the War of 1812, that the United States would not permit any of its naturalized citizens to be pressed into the British marine service, and, if necessary, our country could fight another war to convince other nations that no naturalized American can be treated as a lifelong subject of the rulers of the country in which he was born. "America belongs to no particular nation, but is the inheritance of all nations; and the United States is powerful enough to enforce its national rights."


    Following are extracts from an English speech made by Eduard Schlaeger:

    "Germans and Irishmen constitute the two principal elements of immigration to America, and they are united in their opinion concerning the question which is at issue. It is fitting that the naturalized citizens of Chicago who comprise more than two thirds of the city's population should call this meeting to oppose the schemes of those who dared to harm an American citizen, even though he hails from abroad.

    "Similar meetings are being held in other parts of our country. In New York, Saint Louis, and Cincinnati great mass meetings were held by Irishmen, or rather Irish-Americans, and what was said in these meetings has echoed in the halls of Congress. Chicago presents a united front of all nationalities, and in this respect it is ahead of all other cities, although it is but a young child when compared with the above-named cities.

    "We demand that Congress not only protect our adopted citizens, but that it 4take the necessary steps to ensure respect for all American citizens, no matter where they are.

    "There is a fundamental difference in the terms applied to constituents: In Europe a person is called a subject, in America he is called a citizen. The idea 'citizen" forever excludes the idea 'subject". Our citizen's oath casts off the chains which bind a subject.

    "Our politicians have always been glad to create 'naturalized citizens' before every election, and even up to a few minutes before the closing of the polls. In New York a 'citizen-factory' manufactures six naturalized citizens a minute during election time. Native Americans have always considered us a herd of voters, void of political wisdom--but always seem to appreciate us on election day. This low estimate of our worth has deprived us of the pleasure which we should find in exercising our right to vote, and thus participating in the government of our city, state, and country. Now we have time and opportunity to elevate our citizenship and to surround it with a power that will have a 5favorable effect upon the performance of the duties which we have assumed toward our new fatherland. Duties presuppose corresponding rights. Until now, the fullest measure of obligations of American citizens has been placed upon naturalized Americans; but their rights over and against foreign governments have been abandoned to luck--sometimes favorable, but frequently unfavorable.

    "When naturalized Americans were endangered or harmed in the land of their birth, the American Government pulled its head in like a frightened turtle; it mumbled Washington's words concerning the expediency and necessity of inviolable neutrality, and other obsolete and outworn phrases. The naturalized American citizen who suffered violence and abuse in his native country received no protection or redress from the American Government, which was wont to retreat, just as a turtle pulls its head into its shell at the sight of danger.

    "Intercourse between America and Europe is now so general that the question whether or not an American citizen shall have the privilege of visiting friends or business associates in the land of his birth, without being molested by the 6rulers of that country, has become of great, even of vital importance.

    "A rich Englishman is protected by the great power of his country, no matter on what part of the globe he happens to be, and he can enjoy the grandeurs and pleasures of all the world. Just now Abyssinia is being chastised because Emperor Theodore ordered the arrest of an Englishman.

    "The United States could have obtained such recognition long ago; England must pay recruits to join its fighting forces, for it does not trust its own subjects; it must buy loyalty; but the President of the United States merely asked for volunteers, and lo! 1,500,000 patriots of the North responded--and the princes of Europe were terrified.

    "It will not be necessary to demonstrate such power, as far as foreign countries are concerned. The rulers of Europe are sitting on a powder keg and dancing upon a volcano; a few armored cruisers would decide the issue in our favor. Just as the words 'I am a Roman citizen' protected every Roman in any part of 7the world during the time of Rome's greatness, just so every American citizen, whose United States are in a better continental position than old cosmopolitan Rome was, must be secure against any wrong at the hands of other nations while visiting in their countries.

    "The men who represented the United States in the principal cities of Europe succeeded at times in obtaining, as a special favor of Bismarck or of Napoleon, the release of American citizens who, while visiting their native country, were arrested and forced to do military service. Our representatives declared publicly that a naturalized American citizen must visit his former country at his own risk, and that no United States law exists according to which our country may demand the discharge of naturalized Americans who are held for military duty while sojourning in the land of their birth.

    "Our naturalized citizens do not wish to be subject to the 'grace' of their former rulers any longer; they insist upon observance of the maxim.


    'Once an American citizen, always an American citizen, unless such citizenship is voluntarily relinquished.'

    "In America, the individual person is of prime importance, and the state is only a means for the benefit of that person, while in Europe the state is all in all, and the individual exists merely for the benefit of the state. In Europe, individuals rule and declare, 'The state demands that all its subjects do military duty,' whereas, in the United States, the masses even go so far as to question the constitutionality of the draft law.

    "A naturalized citizen of the United States, who fought for four years as a volunteer in the ranks of the Union, paid a visit to his native country, Prussia, but while there he was forced to serve in the Prussian army, just because he happened to be born in Prussia. He fought against Austria, in the Battle of Sardowa. Thus he was forced to risk his life for both countries--for his adopted country, America, and for Prussia, where he was born. If war had broken out between those two nations, and he had been captured in a 9battle, he would have been shot as a traitor. The English Government has legally prosecuted Americans of Irish extraction for making remarks unfavorable to Great Britain while they were in the United States; she has also arrested Americans who were members of the Fenians, denied them a hearing before a mixed jury, sentenced them to death by an English jury, and executed them forthwith.

    "The position of a naturalized American citizen is like unto that of an infant which is claimed by two mothers. Where is there a Solomon who is wise enough to decide which is the fatherland of the man, who is supposed to be entitled to decide the matter for himself--at least according the American way of thinking?

    "This is a vital question in view of a possible war between the United States and one of the Nations of Europe.

    "The provisions of the so-called international law have been won gradually, 10and only after prolonged and severe struggles.

    "Since we now consider our country to be a power of the first rank, we should settle this American issue, and change our status from a nation that is merely tolerated by the rulers of Europe to a nation that is recognized as one of the world's great powers. If Congress enacts laws governing the status of naturalized American citizens in foreign countries from this viewpoint, the rulers of Europe will have to accept such legislation, because they will see no other course open to them; for America has become aware of her strength, and has confidence in it."

    Doctor Ernst Schmidt then spoke in German. He said, in part:

    "Taking issue with Europe's lords with reference to the rights of naturalized Americans in foreign countries, we are fighting the last remnants of feudalism. The robber knights of the Middle Ages owned the life and property of their serfs, and German subjects cannot emigrate from some parts of the country 11unless they haved published their intentions to leave a certain number of times during the year preceding their contemplated departure--so that possible creditors may have the opportunity to force collection of debts.

    We advocate the principle of freedom to move from any place to any other place on this earth, even now, when the crowned rascals of Europe are at odds with one another, and are thinking of leading their helpless subjects to slaughter. Now the Government of the United States has an opportunity to enforce the last provision of the law of human rights, insofar as it pertains to American citizens, and thus prove the truth of Heine's statement that Columbus' discovery of America broke the chains of human slavery.

    Thereupon Eduard Schlaeger read (in English and German) the following resolutions which were unanimously adopted by the assembly: 12"A Declaration of the Principles and the Demands Made by Foreign-born Americans

    "We, foreign-born American citizens of Chicago, assembled in Mass meeting in which German, Irish, French, Italian, Scandinavian, and other naturalized citizens are represented, hereby declare our principles and our demands concerning our rights as American citiznes while in foreign countries. Until now, these rights have been neglected by our adopted country for some unexplainable reason, thus forcing us to shift for ourselves and fight our own battles, while travelling or sojourning in foreign countries. We were left at the mercy of our former rulers, although we had foresworn allegiance to them when we became American citizens.

    "It is true, the Government of the United States itself has sometimes advocated the principle of equality of naturalized and native citizens, but it has not put this theory into practice; at the most it has entered a protest through diplomatic channels, when a foreign-born American was abused by a foreign 13nation, whereas it should have brought its full national power to bear in favor of those of its citizens who have become innocent victims of the arrogance and insolence of other powers. We have been patient too long, and now we have firmly resolved that, in the future, our fellow citizens shall be secure against these constant encroachments upon their rights. Hence forth we shall insist that our rights as full-fledged American citizens be recognized and observed, and, to this end, demand that Congress enact laws which will proclaim to all the world that not one hair on the head of an American citizen may be touched without the offender's feeling the iron hand of a united nation, which is ready at all times, and under all circumstances, to make the cause of the most humble of its citizens its own.

    "Too long have we neglected this national duty. We have made too many concessions to the medieval and feudal ideas of Europe. America has not yet enforced its anti-feudal stand, not carried out its republican mission. The right to become the citizen of another country must be recognized by 14all civilized nations; the basis for the claims of foreign rulers, namely, the obsolete idea that an individual is forever, or for a few years, bound to any country, and obligated to serve that country in any certain way, or for any certain length of time, by the mere accident of birth, must be abolished. According to the American way of thinking a citizen is not a mere tool of the state, and the state has the duty of serving its people.

    "A conflict between the advocates of these two basic principles cannot be avoided, and must be fought until one or the other advocate wins. Now is the time to settle the matter. For the first time in its history, the American Republic has given evidence of its inherent but dormant power. International law must be remodeled and brought into harmony with modern and just ideas, and it is the duty of our legislators and the Executive branch of our Government to see to it that the rights of every American citizen, whether he became a citizen by the accident of birth or by voluntary adoption, are just as scrupulously observed and inviolately kept as is the person of our 15ambassadors and other national representatives in foreign countries.

    "To carry out these ideas we request that Congress

    1) Define the rights and the duties which American citizens have here and in other countries.

    2) Interpret the right of expatriation by a law which recognizes the privilege of American citizens of settling in and becoming citizens of other countries--to show Europe that we will make no claim on those of our citizens who emigrate to other countries, so that Europe will know that we are willing to act according to the rule: "Do unto others as you would have them do unto you".

    3) Publish the new position which our nation takes in this matter, and demand unconditional recognition of the rights of our adopted citizens by each and every foreign government.


    4) Inform every foreign government that does not give a definite answer within a reasonable time, or that refuses to recognize all rights of American citizens, that our country will look upon every insult to an American citizen, or any violation of our laws, or of our interpretation of international law, as a casus belli.

    "We consider it an insult when foreign rulers or governments force an American citizen to do military duty, even though that citizen was once liable to military service, or had been called for such service when he left the foreign country.

    "We also consider it a violation of the rights of an American citizen when foreign governments act according to the dictum: 'Once my subject, always my subject'. The principle involved dates from the age of barbarism.

    "We demand that American citizens be treated just as courteously and considerately in foreign countries as the visiting citizens of any other 17country. Great Britain has offended against this principle most grievously by denying Americans of Irish birth the right to trial by a mixed jury, and by making them responsible for statements which they made while they were living in America. Be it therefore

    "Resolved, That our arrangements committee take the necessary steps to impress upon the members of Congress the necessity of promoting the ideas expressed in this meeting. Be it further

    "Resolved, That we appreciate the endeavors which the members of both parties have made in Congress in behalf of the rights of our adopted citizens; we ask our congressional representatives to continue to cast aside all partisanship while acting in this matter, which is so vital to the welfare of our nation. Be it further

    Resolved, That the arrangements committee is hereby authorized to call further meetings, should it be necessary, to attain our object."


    Mr. Frechett addressed the meeting in French and Mr. MacAuley in English. Then the meeting was adjourned.

    A great number of Germans, Irish, French, Italians, Scandinavians, and members of other nationalities that immigrated to this country met at Farwell Hall last night, for the purpose of hearing ...

    III B 1, III G, III H, I J, IV