The Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey was published in 1942 by the Chicago Public Library Omnibus Project of the Works Progress Administration of Illinois. The purpose of the project was to translate and classify selected news articles that appeared in the foreign language press from 1855 to 1938. The project consists of 120,000 typewritten pages translated from newspapers of 22 different foreign language communities of Chicago.

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  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 09, 1861
    Great Massmeeting at the German House

    The following men were appointed members of a committee to formulate resolutions expressing the decisions of the German Republicans of Chicago: Hermann Butz, Jacob Lauer, Joseph Pollock, and Albert Dietsch.

    While the Committee was in conference, Mr. H. C. Schlaeger made a long address, pointing out that loyal and steadfast adherence to Republican principles is the prune requisite for the preservation of the Union during these critical times. With his closing words he called attention to the fact that state bonds had risen in value, as an indication that the fear of dismemberment of the Union had not adversely affected the securities market in New York, but that, on the contrary, there is ever-increasing confidence in the survival of order and the Union.


    Thereupon the Committee submitted the following resolutions:

    "Resolutions of the German Republicans of Chicago

    "Since it is the duty of every citizen to take a stand on the important issues before the nation in these critical times, we American citizens of German descent and members of the Republican Party, assembled in orderly public meeting, do solemnly declare:

    "That when we were naturalized we forever renounced allegiance to every foreign state and potentate, and obligated ourselves to uphold the Constitution of the United States;

    "That, in our opinion, the people merely exercised their constitutional right in the recent presidential election, and that the act of the people in electing the chief executive of the Republic, if the election is carried out as prescribed in the Constitution, is a constitutional decision from which there is no 3appeal, neither by any constituted authority, nor by treachery, nor rebellion;

    "That, to quote the words of Daniel Webster, "the Constitution of the United States is not a union, nor a confederation, nor a treaty of the people of the United States in their sovereign character, but a government as such, based on its acceptance by the people, and establishing immediate relations between itself and the individual";

    "That no authority in the state has the power to disrupt this relation; that only revolution can disrupt it, and that therefore no secession is possible without revolution, and, hence, that it is the duty of the National Government to enforce all constitutional laws in every part of the country, under all conditions, and at any price, and that we obligate ourselves to assist the Government in executing these laws;

    "That we fully recognize the home-rule rights of the citizens of the South with reference to slavery wherever slavery is protected by local laws, and 4that no federal authorities have a right to interfere;

    "That the principles of the Republican party, as they are presented in the Chicago platform, are in agreement with the Constitution of the United States, that we steadfastly adhere to this platform which conceded to the Southern States all the rights which the Constitution guarantees, and that we need make no further concessions;

    "That Major Anderson of Fort Sumpter deserves commendation for abiding by his constitutional oath and doing his duty as a soldier and patriot;

    "That we will never believe that the first great attempt of a free people to exercise self-government on a wide scale has failed, and that we fervently hope and trust that the blessings of the American Union will be preserved for our children and children's children."

    These resolutions were translated into and read in the English language at 5the request of some of the Republicans who were present, and then they were unanimously adopted.

    A standing committee was appointed by the chairman to arrange further meetings, if necessary. The members of this committee are: C. Butz, C. Schlaeger, and C. Pruessing.

    The following men were appointed members of a committee to formulate resolutions expressing the decisions of the German Republicans of Chicago: Hermann Butz, Jacob Lauer, Joseph Pollock, and Albert Dietsch. ...

    III B 1, I G
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- February 01, 1861
    For the German-Republican Press of the United States (Editorial)

    With reference to yesterday's article entitled "The Duty of the German-Republican Press During the Present Crisis," we are submitting a few resolutions which may be sent to the congressmen of the respective states. Of course, every editorial staff may add to, or detract from, these resolutions, but all are asked not to alter or remove the last one; we must include it, because this resolution is absolutely necessary if we are not to leave our Republican representatives in the dark regarding the attitude of the German Republicans.

    We trust that the whole German press is in essential agreement with the spirit of the resolutions submitted, and, since no time may be lost, we request that these resolutions be signed by the editors and immediately forwarded to the representatives of their respective states, who are at Washington. We also 2believe that the German press should follow the example which we set yesterday, and do everything possible to prevent the free states from sending delegates to the conference of the boundary states, which is to be held on February 4. At present we can see no greater danger than that found in leading the North to think that there is any hope of avoiding the crisis; rather it should be brought home to the North that the danger is very great, indeed, that the very existence of the nation is at stake. Only in this way can the North be persuaded to take adequate steps toward saving our institutions.

    Resolutions of the German-Republican Press on the Present National Crisis

    Whereas, The Union and its existence are not a matter of bargain, but of law, and

    Whereas, Affairs have taken such a shape as to render any concessions on the Republican side incompatible with honor and self-respect; therefore be it 3Resolved, That we condemn all efforts made in or out of Congress, to condone or to dodge the real issue by any compromises or concessions, that issue being simply, whether these United States and their Government are a shadowy phantom or a living and active reality; further

    That the only safe way through the present crisis is the path of the sworn duty of United States citizens, to sustain the Federal Government, the Constitution, and the laws by all means, and by every sacrifice; further

    That we are fully convinced that a Republican representative in Congress will never again be supported by the votes of true Republicans, if he, by his vote or action, sacrifices to slavery any territory of the United States of America, or violates any of the cardinal principles of the Republican faith as expressed by the Chicago platform.

    With reference to yesterday's article entitled "The Duty of the German-Republican Press During the Present Crisis," we are submitting a few resolutions which may be sent to the congressmen of ...

    I J, III B 1
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- September 30, 1861
    The Anti-Slavery Meeting in the Hall of the Arbeiterverein

    The election of Mr. Joachim Kersten as president, and Mr. Leonhardt Lamberts as secretary, completed the organization of the meeting. Dr. Schmidt, the first speaker, offered much interesting information concerning the Missouri campaign, with which he is familiar from personal observation. He also spoke on the noble deeds of General Lyon and the shameful treatment which he received at the hands of the Government. Later we shall comment on Dr. Schmidt's revelations concerning Lyons and the Administration.

    Mr. Heinrich Greenbaum was the second speaker. This champion of "Douglas Democracy" proved that constitutional guarantees for slavery are no longer the issue in the present War, and that total abolition of slavery is now the bone of contention. Mr. Greenbaum offered logical reasons for his new political view and, since he dared to renounce the viewpoint 2to which he had heretofore adhered, and proceeded to defend the platform of human rights, he was loudly applauded.

    The third speaker, Mr. Wilhelm Rapp, cited events which occured in the border slave states to prove that slavery is the fundamental cause of the War and that permanent harmony and peace cannot be restored until slavery has been abolished. He protested against President Lincoln's mutilation of Fremont's emancipation proclamation, but said that although this act was extremely objectionable he nevertheless urged everybody to support the Chief Executive in the fight against slavery.

    Mr. Wentworth, the fourth man to address the assembly, made use of his inherent sense of humor and his brilliant gift of satire to defend the Pathfinder and his proclamation. In the course of his address Mr. Wentworth also referred to the bank issue, and of course numerous sharp blows were dealt to wildcat banks. "Long John" declared that he would soon arrange a meeting to discuss the bank situation.


    He was followed on the speakers' platform by Mr. Theodor Hielscher, who severely criticized the Administration for its many military and political blunders.

    The following resolutions were proposed by Mr. Wilhelm Rapp and were unanimously adopted:

    1) Resolved, That we are convinced that the slavery existing in the Southern States of the Union is the cause of the present war, and that peace and the Union cannot be restored unless this infamous institution is completely abolished.

    2) Resolved, That we heartily approve of General Fremont's proclamation of August 30, for we believe slavery will receive the death blow if the provisions of that proclamation are strictly enforced.

    3) Resolved, That we deeply regret and disapprove of President Lincoln's 4mutilation of Fremont's proclamation, since the act of the Chief Executive tends to encourage rebellion and slavery.

    4) Resolved, That we support the administration in its battle against the Rebels as much as we can, but we request that the war be prosecuted with more vigor and less consideration.

    5) Resolved, That we ask our representatives in Congress to enact Fremont's proclamation and to make it applicable to all Rebels.

    Joachim Kersten, President,

    Leonhardt Lamberts, Secretaty.

    The election of Mr. Joachim Kersten as president, and Mr. Leonhardt Lamberts as secretary, completed the organization of the meeting. Dr. Schmidt, the first speaker, offered much interesting information concerning ...

    I H, III B 1, I G
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- October 01, 1861
    Resolutions of Socialer Arbeiterverein

    In a meeting held September 28, 1861, the Socialer Arbeiterverein of the Tenth Ward passed the following resolution:

    Whereas, It is absolutely necessary that we wage a forceful war and use every means at our disposal if our efforts are to be successful; and

    Whereas, Slavery, the cause of the War now raging in our Republic, must be eradicated, and to that end the Southern Rebels must be conquered; and

    Whereas, The Germans in our free country look upon the procedure described in the proclamation of General John Fremont as the only correct way of suppressing the rebellion, and have been encouraged by that proclamation to continue war operations and to report for military duties in large numbers; and

    Whereas, President Lincoln's mutilation of General Fremont's proclamation has 2discouraged not only many Germans, but also a great number of Americans who came from countries other than Germany, and has retarded the enlistment of volunteers; therefore be it

    Resolved, That we fully indorse the resolutions adopted in public meetings at Coldwater, Michigan; Davenport, Iowa; Cottage Hill, Illinois; Racine, Wisconsin; etc.; be it further

    Resolved, That we consider President Lincoln's act of multilation to be treason against our country; be it further

    Resolved, That we urge all existing societies and organizations, especially those which have a German membership, to inform General Fremont of their attitude and encourage him by continuing to follow his principles, for in no other way can victory be attained, the country saved, and rebellion, treason, and slavery extirpated; and be it further

    Resolved, That these resolutions be published in all local English and German 3language newspapers, and that a copy be sent to President Abraham Lincoln and General John Fremont.

    In a meeting held September 28, 1861, the Socialer Arbeiterverein of the Tenth Ward passed the following resolution: Whereas, It is absolutely necessary that we wage a forceful war and ...

    I G, III B 1, III D
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- February 10, 1862
    The Rights of Immigrants at the Constiutional Convention (Editorial)

    During the last campaign we insisted that the Germans be represented in the Constitutional Convention of the State of Illinois; we emphasized that our need for recognition was the only reason for our recommendation for a suitable candidate to be present at the meeting at Kingsbury Hall, and we stated that we were not in the least interested in conferring a well-paying county office to a mere political job chaser. It was our intention to protect our rights to vote, for a change in the Constitution might involve a restriction or an expansion of this right. And we note from the official report on the proceedings of the Convention (January 29) that our German delegate, Mr. John Henry Muehlke, made the following proposal, which was adopted:

    Resolved, That the Committee on Elections and Franchise consider the feasibility of granting the right to vote to all foreign-born residents of this state who volunteered to serve in the army or navy during the present Rebellion and who 2have been honorably discharged, or who will serve in the armed forces of the Union during this War and receive an honorable dismissal, if such persons are not disqualified for any reason save that they are not citizens of the United States.

    From the very beginning of the campaign we did not hesitate to give Mr. Muehlke our full support; and as far as we have been able to follow his activity to date, we do not doubt that not only the Germans of Chicago, but also of the whole state will look upon their choice with great satisfaction.

    During the last campaign we insisted that the Germans be represented in the Constitutional Convention of the State of Illinois; we emphasized that our need for recognition was the only ...

    I J, III B 4, III B 1, I F 3, IV
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- September 18, 1862
    A Request to Mr. Caspar Butz

    "Mr. Caspar Butz.

    "Honorable Sir: We agree with the Illinois Staats-Zeitung, and with all others who advocate a more vigorous prosecution of the war by invoking the principles of emancipation and confiscation, that one of the fourteen men whom the citizens of the State of Illinois are to elect to the National Congress should be a German.

    "Since we are convinced that you are well qualified to fill so important a position, we beg your permission to place your name in nomination as candidate for Congressman at large in the coming state convention of the Republican party, and to put forth our best efforts in behalf of said candidacy.

    "We need not remind you how important it is for the Germans of this State, 2and for the Germans of the whole country in general, that an able, honest German be a member of the Congress of the United States during this great national crisis. He would not only express the liberal principles of freedom which Germans advocate and which are the only means of saving and restoring the Union, but, at the same time, he would also defend the interests of the Germans in America against the nativists, whose attacks upon us and especially upon our great leaders and heros, including, for instance, Sigel and Hecker, are growing bolder and more violent from day to day.

    "The task which we wish to entrust to you is a very difficult one, but it is also a glorious task; and we know that you are equal to it, for we have evidence of your good character, your knowledge and skill and your experience in the American way of living.

    "Hoping that you will not refuse to comply with our request, we remain


    "Very respectfully yours,

    "A. C. Hesing,

    "John H. Muehlke,

    "Heinrich Greenbaum,

    [and fifty-eight others]."

    "Mr. Caspar Butz. "Honorable Sir: We agree with the Illinois Staats-Zeitung, and with all others who advocate a more vigorous prosecution of the war by invoking the principles of emancipation ...

    III B 1, I G, IV
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 06, 1864
    The Conscription Act Petition to Congress by the Chicago Arbeiterverein

    We are publishing the petition which the Chicago Arbeiterverein sent to Congress, and we urge all private citizens, as well as societies in other cities, to submit similar petitions to our national legislature. Since the drawing of numbers has been postponed until February 15, there is ample time to agitate for the devising of a just system of military administration. The petition of the Chicago Arbeiterverein reads as follows: "To the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America:

    "Your petitioners, citizens of the City of Chicago, County of Cook, State of Illinois, most respectfully point out that, in their opinion, the congressional law commonly called the 'Conscription Act,' should not only be amended in regard to certain provisions, but should also be fundamentally 2changed: it should be based upon such principles as will render it sufficiently effective to procure the best soldiers without being unduly oppressive to the people.

    "We, therefore, recommend that you, as the representatives of the people, embody the following fundamental principles in the Conscription Act:

    "1) From this day until the Rebellion has been completely suppressed, the following are subject to military duty:

    "a) Every American citizen;

    "b) Every resident of the United States who has declared his intention of becoming an American citizen.

    "c) Every resident of the United States, who, though he has not declared his intention of becoming a citizen, has through continued tenure of real 3estate, or through the operation of a business or industry under the protection of the law, has indicated, or will so indicate, that he has selected this country as his permanent home. This provision shall apply to all residents (as described above) who are between the ages of twenty and forty-five.

    "2) The persons described in sub-paragraph c may evade military service by leaving the country for which they have no sympathy when the country is in great danger.

    "3) Men who are able to perform military service are to be divided into two classes. The first class shall consist of all men who were single at at the time the law was enacted and of all childless widowers between the ages of twenty and forty-five. The second class shall consist of all others who are subject to military duty; these are not to be called to 4service until all men of the first class have been enrolled.

    "4) The first class shall be enrolled for active service by the competent authorities.

    "5) No substitution or redemption or any other form of exemption shall be permitted.

    "6) Only those shall be exempt from active service who are physically or mentally unfit, or who must support orphaned or minor sisters or brothers, or aged or feeble parents.

    "7) Convicted criminals shall be considered unworthy to serve in the armed forces of the United States.


    "We believe that the principles of justice, equality, and propriety recommend such a law; a law like that outlined above would place our strong young men at the disposal of the Government, and commerce and industry would not be seriously hampered by their absence; it would provide through taxation the material necessary to carry on the war, and would do away with conscription by lottery, thus placing rich and poor on the same level, simplifying conscription, and giving the greatest possible satisfaction. [Translator's note: The recommendations of the Arbeiterverein contain no apparent reference to taxation.]

    "If the members of your honorable body will take the trouble of perusing the pages of history, they will find that a law similar to the one which we recommend was passed by the National Convention of France at a time when internal rioting and foreign despotism threatened to extinguish the light of liberty in that country, and that this conscription law saved France.


    "The Committee:

    "A. C. Hesing, Theodor Hilscher,

    Colonel Knobelsdorf, L. Brentano;

    Wilhelm Haase, president;

    J. Greenbaum, secretary."

    We are publishing the petition which the Chicago Arbeiterverein sent to Congress, and we urge all private citizens, as well as societies in other cities, to submit similar petitions to ...

    III B 1, III B 2, I G, IV
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- May 26, 1864
    One Hundred and One Members of the Arbeiterverein Protest against Sending Delegates to the Cleveland Convention

    The meeting of the Chicago Arbeiterverein held on the seventeenth of May, 1864 was attended by only a relatively small number of members. By a vote of thirty-seven to thirty-five (the organization has a membership of more than a thousand), it was decided to send delegates to the convention which is to meet at Cleveland, Ohio, on May 29, 30, and 31 for the purpose of nominating a liberal candidate for the Presidency of the United States. The following men were chosen to represent the Chicago Arbeiterverein: Doctor C. Schmidt, Mr. Theodore Hilscher, and Mr. W. H. Haase.

    However, since this resolution, which was adopted by only one (sic) vote in a meeting attended by only a small part of the membership, is presented to 2the public as the will of the majority of all our members and as an action approved by a real majority of the Verein, we, the undersigned members of the Chicago Arbeiterverein, deem it to be our patriotic duty to declare that we, as liberal Republicans and unconditional Union men, strongly disapprove of appointing delegates to attend the Cleveland Convention; that we consider the entire movement, which was started by so-called liberals, to hold a separate convention as dangerous and detrimental to the cause of the Union; that we will give all our support to the nominee of the Baltimore Convention, whether he be Lincoln, or Freemont, or Butler, or any other able man who is worthy of the nomination; that we will not approve of or support any movement, no matter who starts it or in whose favor it is conducted, if it splits the Union party, and thus weakens that party and furthers the cause of the Secession party.

    Chicago, May 19, 1864.

    C. Mechelke,

    F. Koepke,

    C. Krueger,

    [and ninety-eight others]

    The meeting of the Chicago Arbeiterverein held on the seventeenth of May, 1864 was attended by only a relatively small number of members. By a vote of thirty-seven to thirty-five ...

    III B 1, III B 2, I G
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- December 19, 1867
    Mass Meeting of Naturalized Citizens

    A great number of Germans, Irish, French, Italians, Scandinavians, and members of other nationalities that immigrated to this country met at Farwell Hall last night, for the purpose of hearing addresses concerning the enactment of suitable legislation for the protection of citizens of the United States who are in foreign countries, and adopting pertinent resolutions. Of course, the meeting, called by some of our citizens, was entirely spontaneous, and none of the party leaders who were present and spoke offered any advice about saving the country, but confined their remarks to the issue.

    Eduard Schlaeger, chairman of the arrangement committee, opened the meeting, and said:

    "The committee has played the overture, it is up to you to stage the drama. Since our native citizens are just as much interested in this matter as the naturalized citizens are, we have chosen Mayor J. B. Rice to act as official 2representative of the City of Chicago and to preside over this meeting."

    Mayor Rice stated that the Government of the United States had always wanted to protect its naturalized citizens, and now finally felt strong enough to risk carrying out its good intentions.

    In a letter to the committee, Governor Ogelsby stated that the Government of the United States would use all its resources to protect its adopted citizens just as it protects its native citizens, in foreign countries as well as at home.

    Thomas Hoyne declared that England had learned, in the War of 1812, that the United States would not permit any of its naturalized citizens to be pressed into the British marine service, and, if necessary, our country could fight another war to convince other nations that no naturalized American can be treated as a lifelong subject of the rulers of the country in which he was born. "America belongs to no particular nation, but is the inheritance of all nations; and the United States is powerful enough to enforce its national rights."


    Following are extracts from an English speech made by Eduard Schlaeger:

    "Germans and Irishmen constitute the two principal elements of immigration to America, and they are united in their opinion concerning the question which is at issue. It is fitting that the naturalized citizens of Chicago who comprise more than two thirds of the city's population should call this meeting to oppose the schemes of those who dared to harm an American citizen, even though he hails from abroad.

    "Similar meetings are being held in other parts of our country. In New York, Saint Louis, and Cincinnati great mass meetings were held by Irishmen, or rather Irish-Americans, and what was said in these meetings has echoed in the halls of Congress. Chicago presents a united front of all nationalities, and in this respect it is ahead of all other cities, although it is but a young child when compared with the above-named cities.

    "We demand that Congress not only protect our adopted citizens, but that it 4take the necessary steps to ensure respect for all American citizens, no matter where they are.

    "There is a fundamental difference in the terms applied to constituents: In Europe a person is called a subject, in America he is called a citizen. The idea 'citizen" forever excludes the idea 'subject". Our citizen's oath casts off the chains which bind a subject.

    "Our politicians have always been glad to create 'naturalized citizens' before every election, and even up to a few minutes before the closing of the polls. In New York a 'citizen-factory' manufactures six naturalized citizens a minute during election time. Native Americans have always considered us a herd of voters, void of political wisdom--but always seem to appreciate us on election day. This low estimate of our worth has deprived us of the pleasure which we should find in exercising our right to vote, and thus participating in the government of our city, state, and country. Now we have time and opportunity to elevate our citizenship and to surround it with a power that will have a 5favorable effect upon the performance of the duties which we have assumed toward our new fatherland. Duties presuppose corresponding rights. Until now, the fullest measure of obligations of American citizens has been placed upon naturalized Americans; but their rights over and against foreign governments have been abandoned to luck--sometimes favorable, but frequently unfavorable.

    "When naturalized Americans were endangered or harmed in the land of their birth, the American Government pulled its head in like a frightened turtle; it mumbled Washington's words concerning the expediency and necessity of inviolable neutrality, and other obsolete and outworn phrases. The naturalized American citizen who suffered violence and abuse in his native country received no protection or redress from the American Government, which was wont to retreat, just as a turtle pulls its head into its shell at the sight of danger.

    "Intercourse between America and Europe is now so general that the question whether or not an American citizen shall have the privilege of visiting friends or business associates in the land of his birth, without being molested by the 6rulers of that country, has become of great, even of vital importance.

    "A rich Englishman is protected by the great power of his country, no matter on what part of the globe he happens to be, and he can enjoy the grandeurs and pleasures of all the world. Just now Abyssinia is being chastised because Emperor Theodore ordered the arrest of an Englishman.

    "The United States could have obtained such recognition long ago; England must pay recruits to join its fighting forces, for it does not trust its own subjects; it must buy loyalty; but the President of the United States merely asked for volunteers, and lo! 1,500,000 patriots of the North responded--and the princes of Europe were terrified.

    "It will not be necessary to demonstrate such power, as far as foreign countries are concerned. The rulers of Europe are sitting on a powder keg and dancing upon a volcano; a few armored cruisers would decide the issue in our favor. Just as the words 'I am a Roman citizen' protected every Roman in any part of 7the world during the time of Rome's greatness, just so every American citizen, whose United States are in a better continental position than old cosmopolitan Rome was, must be secure against any wrong at the hands of other nations while visiting in their countries.

    "The men who represented the United States in the principal cities of Europe succeeded at times in obtaining, as a special favor of Bismarck or of Napoleon, the release of American citizens who, while visiting their native country, were arrested and forced to do military service. Our representatives declared publicly that a naturalized American citizen must visit his former country at his own risk, and that no United States law exists according to which our country may demand the discharge of naturalized Americans who are held for military duty while sojourning in the land of their birth.

    "Our naturalized citizens do not wish to be subject to the 'grace' of their former rulers any longer; they insist upon observance of the maxim.


    'Once an American citizen, always an American citizen, unless such citizenship is voluntarily relinquished.'

    "In America, the individual person is of prime importance, and the state is only a means for the benefit of that person, while in Europe the state is all in all, and the individual exists merely for the benefit of the state. In Europe, individuals rule and declare, 'The state demands that all its subjects do military duty,' whereas, in the United States, the masses even go so far as to question the constitutionality of the draft law.

    "A naturalized citizen of the United States, who fought for four years as a volunteer in the ranks of the Union, paid a visit to his native country, Prussia, but while there he was forced to serve in the Prussian army, just because he happened to be born in Prussia. He fought against Austria, in the Battle of Sardowa. Thus he was forced to risk his life for both countries--for his adopted country, America, and for Prussia, where he was born. If war had broken out between those two nations, and he had been captured in a 9battle, he would have been shot as a traitor. The English Government has legally prosecuted Americans of Irish extraction for making remarks unfavorable to Great Britain while they were in the United States; she has also arrested Americans who were members of the Fenians, denied them a hearing before a mixed jury, sentenced them to death by an English jury, and executed them forthwith.

    "The position of a naturalized American citizen is like unto that of an infant which is claimed by two mothers. Where is there a Solomon who is wise enough to decide which is the fatherland of the man, who is supposed to be entitled to decide the matter for himself--at least according the American way of thinking?

    "This is a vital question in view of a possible war between the United States and one of the Nations of Europe.

    "The provisions of the so-called international law have been won gradually, 10and only after prolonged and severe struggles.

    "Since we now consider our country to be a power of the first rank, we should settle this American issue, and change our status from a nation that is merely tolerated by the rulers of Europe to a nation that is recognized as one of the world's great powers. If Congress enacts laws governing the status of naturalized American citizens in foreign countries from this viewpoint, the rulers of Europe will have to accept such legislation, because they will see no other course open to them; for America has become aware of her strength, and has confidence in it."

    Doctor Ernst Schmidt then spoke in German. He said, in part:

    "Taking issue with Europe's lords with reference to the rights of naturalized Americans in foreign countries, we are fighting the last remnants of feudalism. The robber knights of the Middle Ages owned the life and property of their serfs, and German subjects cannot emigrate from some parts of the country 11unless they haved published their intentions to leave a certain number of times during the year preceding their contemplated departure--so that possible creditors may have the opportunity to force collection of debts.

    We advocate the principle of freedom to move from any place to any other place on this earth, even now, when the crowned rascals of Europe are at odds with one another, and are thinking of leading their helpless subjects to slaughter. Now the Government of the United States has an opportunity to enforce the last provision of the law of human rights, insofar as it pertains to American citizens, and thus prove the truth of Heine's statement that Columbus' discovery of America broke the chains of human slavery.

    Thereupon Eduard Schlaeger read (in English and German) the following resolutions which were unanimously adopted by the assembly: 12"A Declaration of the Principles and the Demands Made by Foreign-born Americans

    "We, foreign-born American citizens of Chicago, assembled in Mass meeting in which German, Irish, French, Italian, Scandinavian, and other naturalized citizens are represented, hereby declare our principles and our demands concerning our rights as American citiznes while in foreign countries. Until now, these rights have been neglected by our adopted country for some unexplainable reason, thus forcing us to shift for ourselves and fight our own battles, while travelling or sojourning in foreign countries. We were left at the mercy of our former rulers, although we had foresworn allegiance to them when we became American citizens.

    "It is true, the Government of the United States itself has sometimes advocated the principle of equality of naturalized and native citizens, but it has not put this theory into practice; at the most it has entered a protest through diplomatic channels, when a foreign-born American was abused by a foreign 13nation, whereas it should have brought its full national power to bear in favor of those of its citizens who have become innocent victims of the arrogance and insolence of other powers. We have been patient too long, and now we have firmly resolved that, in the future, our fellow citizens shall be secure against these constant encroachments upon their rights. Hence forth we shall insist that our rights as full-fledged American citizens be recognized and observed, and, to this end, demand that Congress enact laws which will proclaim to all the world that not one hair on the head of an American citizen may be touched without the offender's feeling the iron hand of a united nation, which is ready at all times, and under all circumstances, to make the cause of the most humble of its citizens its own.

    "Too long have we neglected this national duty. We have made too many concessions to the medieval and feudal ideas of Europe. America has not yet enforced its anti-feudal stand, not carried out its republican mission. The right to become the citizen of another country must be recognized by 14all civilized nations; the basis for the claims of foreign rulers, namely, the obsolete idea that an individual is forever, or for a few years, bound to any country, and obligated to serve that country in any certain way, or for any certain length of time, by the mere accident of birth, must be abolished. According to the American way of thinking a citizen is not a mere tool of the state, and the state has the duty of serving its people.

    "A conflict between the advocates of these two basic principles cannot be avoided, and must be fought until one or the other advocate wins. Now is the time to settle the matter. For the first time in its history, the American Republic has given evidence of its inherent but dormant power. International law must be remodeled and brought into harmony with modern and just ideas, and it is the duty of our legislators and the Executive branch of our Government to see to it that the rights of every American citizen, whether he became a citizen by the accident of birth or by voluntary adoption, are just as scrupulously observed and inviolately kept as is the person of our 15ambassadors and other national representatives in foreign countries.

    "To carry out these ideas we request that Congress

    1) Define the rights and the duties which American citizens have here and in other countries.

    2) Interpret the right of expatriation by a law which recognizes the privilege of American citizens of settling in and becoming citizens of other countries--to show Europe that we will make no claim on those of our citizens who emigrate to other countries, so that Europe will know that we are willing to act according to the rule: "Do unto others as you would have them do unto you".

    3) Publish the new position which our nation takes in this matter, and demand unconditional recognition of the rights of our adopted citizens by each and every foreign government.


    4) Inform every foreign government that does not give a definite answer within a reasonable time, or that refuses to recognize all rights of American citizens, that our country will look upon every insult to an American citizen, or any violation of our laws, or of our interpretation of international law, as a casus belli.

    "We consider it an insult when foreign rulers or governments force an American citizen to do military duty, even though that citizen was once liable to military service, or had been called for such service when he left the foreign country.

    "We also consider it a violation of the rights of an American citizen when foreign governments act according to the dictum: 'Once my subject, always my subject'. The principle involved dates from the age of barbarism.

    "We demand that American citizens be treated just as courteously and considerately in foreign countries as the visiting citizens of any other 17country. Great Britain has offended against this principle most grievously by denying Americans of Irish birth the right to trial by a mixed jury, and by making them responsible for statements which they made while they were living in America. Be it therefore

    "Resolved, That our arrangements committee take the necessary steps to impress upon the members of Congress the necessity of promoting the ideas expressed in this meeting. Be it further

    "Resolved, That we appreciate the endeavors which the members of both parties have made in Congress in behalf of the rights of our adopted citizens; we ask our congressional representatives to continue to cast aside all partisanship while acting in this matter, which is so vital to the welfare of our nation. Be it further

    Resolved, That the arrangements committee is hereby authorized to call further meetings, should it be necessary, to attain our object."


    Mr. Frechett addressed the meeting in French and Mr. MacAuley in English. Then the meeting was adjourned.

    A great number of Germans, Irish, French, Italians, Scandinavians, and members of other nationalities that immigrated to this country met at Farwell Hall last night, for the purpose of hearing ...

    III B 1, III G, III H, I J, IV
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 18, 1871
    Mass Meeting of Turners in Cincinnati and Neighboring Towns to Protest Arms Export to France.

    "Unfortunately too late. When at last arms trade will stop, it will be less the results of protests than because the Government has sold out its available reserves. If Herr Schurz had urged the case immediately after Congress convened, there might have been quicker results, but, of course, the recapitulation of the reason for the Missouri "Liberal radicals" in helping the Democrats gain a majority-the State legislature was of infinitely greater importance than to spare the U. S. the shame of furnishing to the French arms against the Germans.

    "Unfortunately too late. When at last arms trade will stop, it will be less the results of protests than because the Government has sold out its available reserves. If Herr ...

    III B 1, III B 2, III H, I G