The Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey was published in 1942 by the Chicago Public Library Omnibus Project of the Works Progress Administration of Illinois. The purpose of the project was to translate and classify selected news articles that appeared in the foreign language press from 1855 to 1938. The project consists of 120,000 typewritten pages translated from newspapers of 22 different foreign language communities of Chicago.

Read more about this historic project.

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  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- June 20, 1871
    No News of the Swim Bath

    Again for some time we have heard nothing of the planned swimming establishment. The short-sightedness of the city authorities is truly lamentable. In St. Louis, too, there is much agitation in this cause, a proposition is in the City Council, and it is the German press, too, which agitates for the adoption of the proposal. There, the health council has given its support in wards similar to those of ours; bathing contributes more than anything else to conserve physical health in summer...... For a swimmer a tub bath is only a poor substitute for a swim in the open. But even a provision for tub baths is lacking in many houses, and the baths in barber shops and hotel bath rooms are in summer far from enticing.

    A report of a police committee was presented to the City Council. It recommends that the creation of bathing houses be left to private enterprise, but with public subventions. Specifically it advises to vote $2000 to W. Gutschow for the construction of a bath house on 25th Street, Gutschow offers to build such a house and to keep half of it open for free public use.

    Alderman Schaffner speaks warmly of the creation of public baths. He points to 2those poor families who live packed together in unhealthy living quarters and have no possibility to receive the benefit of a bath - a necessity both for reasons of health as well as of simple humanity. In New York and Boston these establishments had proven their worth.

    Again for some time we have heard nothing of the planned swimming establishment. The short-sightedness of the city authorities is truly lamentable. In St. Louis, too, there is much agitation ...

    German
    I F 4, I M, I H
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- August 12, 1871
    [Political Matters]

    Carl Schurz is going to discuss current political questions tonight, in the German language, in Farwell Hall. One knows that he opposes the reelection of Grant. However, since the curious "Liberal" movement in Missouri that had the effect of making the Democrat Frank B. Blair, Mr. Schurz' colleague in Washington, there has been hope in Democratic circles that Schurz in order to fight Grant would completely bolt the Republican Party and then would be forced, by the political law of gravitation, to enter the Democratic Party. For this hope Schurz has given but little cause - not more than the Senators Summer and Trumbull. He vigorously opposed the immature and fantastic proposals of the President for the acquisition of San Domingo, as we and many good Republicans also did. He has advocated a reform of the civil service, just as we and very many good Republicans also advocate it. He has not fought the debasing sale of arms to France as energetically as all German Republican (and Democratic) papers did. He has voted with various other Republicans against the so-called Klu Klux Bill, and perhaps he would have voted with many other Republicans for a high tariff if one had been proposed. All that still does not make him a Democrat. It does not even prove that if Grant should again become the Republican nominee (which is still far from certain) he would not support his election.

    2

    That Schurz thought it possible last year to split the Republican Party by a union of a part of it with those Democrats who would honestly accept the results of the war, of that there can be no question. The Republican Party in 1855, had been formed in quite analogous fashion - namely, by a merger of a large part of the Whig Party and the liberal elements of the Democratic Party. But last year three essential factors were missing: First, the Republican Party in 1870, was not so hopelessly demoralized, as the Whig Party was, by the election of Franklin Pierce. Secondly, the Democratic Party did not contain in 1870, so many "liberal" elements that could be used in forming a new party. Thirdly, and most important of all, the program evolved in 1870, in Missouri did not by any means so appeal to the moral feeling and the imagination of the people as that designed after the Nebraska Bill. For the simple idea of freeing half a continent from the curse of slavery, millions can become enthusiastic without having first to study economics. But that the Union shall tax only the import of sugar, coffee, or spices, but not of hardward, cloth, or cotton - that - one may preach ever so persistently, and zealously, without arousing the slightest enthusiasm. And the same is true of the proposal to return the passive franchise to the few rebel leaders to whom the Constitution denies it.

    3

    ....From his connection with the Westliche Post one may conclude that Schurz will not try to prevent the closing of the split in the Republican Party, and if this is so, than the Democrats who hope that Schurz, by his speech today, will win them recruits, will find themselves disappointed.

    Carl Schurz is going to discuss current political questions tonight, in the German language, in Farwell Hall. One knows that he opposes the reelection of Grant. However, since the curious ...

    German
    I H, III H, I G
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- August 19, 1871
    [The Volksbund Meets]

    At a meeting of the Volksbund (People's Association) that took place the day before yesterday, the following officials were elected: Major Wm. J. Wallis, president; L. B. Warren (Warren, Friesleben and Co.) vice-president; Jacob Funck (Laparle, Funck and Co.) treasurer; Theodor Felsch, Carl G. Peiniger, Wm. Riefstahl, secretaries. Financial Committee: Consul H. Classenius, Charles G. Sundell (Scandinavian Bank), Wm. H. Williams, J. G. Smith, and Rudolf Schwarzlose (Staats Zeitung).

    The meeting in which all nationalities were represented showed how serious those present took the task of the organization and improvement of the situation of all the laboring classes without discrimination as to nationality.

    At a meeting of the Volksbund (People's Association) that took place the day before yesterday, the following officials were elected: Major Wm. J. Wallis, president; L. B. Warren (Warren, Friesleben ...

    German
    III B 2, I H
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- September 08, 1871
    [Political Matters]

    If the next president of the United States - or the next presidential candidate of the Republican Party is named Schulze or Muller, Grant, or Trumbull, Piefke, or Purzpichler - that is not so important as that the program of the Republican Party be a progressive one. Under a progressive program we understand one that does not, so to speak, undertake to correct a few misprints in the work of the past, but one that contains new, as yet unexpressed ideas that have matured during the last decade.

    One such, would be the reform of the civil administration. Furthermore, the Republican Party should put into its program the representation of minorities that Illinois has adopted. Illinois has made a beginning with putting in the place of the rule of 51 over 49, that of 99 over 1, in the peace of majority rule that of the people.

    Furthermore, the question of compulsory school attendance should be considered. This, too, is one of those "German ideas" that have become acclimatized in America, and to which the Demosthenes' who always unctiously admonish the Germans to bow before the Anglo-Americans, have contributed not the slightest bit. What the country needs is a thorough reform of its educational system. This, of course, is in the first place the task of the individual states. 2However, a national convention could start the ball rolling without by any means promoting encroachments of Federal jurisdiction into the sphere of the individual states.

    If the next president of the United States - or the next presidential candidate of the Republican Party is named Schulze or Muller, Grant, or Trumbull, Piefke, or Purzpichler - ...

    German
    I A 1 a, I H
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- September 22, 1871
    (From the Chicago Examing Journal)

    Senator Carl Schurz will be glad to know that at least in the First Federal Revenue District of Illinois the reforms of the service has been inaugurated in quite an effective way by the removal of his brother-in-law Jussen from his office.

    Some seaks age we published a chart, showing that while under Jussen $100 of assessed taxes only $94 had been levied, under his successor this ratio has risen to $99.39 of each $200. Since then, a further improvement has taken place...

    These numbers are herewith respectfully offered to General Carl Schurz. As his unpartiality cannot be doubted they will enable him to say in his future speeches a few kindly words in favor of that civil service reform which evidently can be attained under the present system. As long as only the relationship to a distinguished statesman does not prevent the removal of an official. (Footnote-The Illinois Staats Zeitung, reprints this, like many other pieces 2from various newspapers criticizing Schurz, without a word of comment (except occasionally underscoring disparagements). It is not clear if the Staats Zeitung extends its fued with the No. 1 German-American of the time to his brother-in-law, or if possibly Jussen, attracted this antagonism to the celebrated husband of his sister.)

    Senator Carl Schurz will be glad to know that at least in the First Federal Revenue District of Illinois the reforms of the service has been inaugurated in quite an ...

    German
    I H, III D, IV
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- December 15, 1871
    [Congress Takes Action on Relation between Capital Labor]

    A motion introduced into Congress by Representative Hoar (Mass.) recognizes the national scope of the relations between Capital and Labor. The motion aims at the nomination of a permanent commission of three members whose function it shall be:

    "To investigate the questions of wages and working hours; the relations between capitalists and laborers, and the social, physical and educational conditions, of the laboring classes in the United States; and to determine how these conditions are being influenced through the existing commercial and financial laws and through the currency."

    In explaining his motion Mr. Hoar expressly pointed to the Labor Internationale and the Paris Commune. Of the latter he said that one should not condemn it, as long as one has heard only one side, as is the case at present. A cause for which thousands, not only of workers, but likewise of highly educated 2and well-to-do men heroically gave their lives - such a cause surely has a claim to be examined conscientiously and without prejudice. The leading idea of the Internationale, namely, an association of all humanity and the exclusion of all national antagonisms he called one most worthy to be pondered....

    As far as can be judged from the still continuing debate, Representative Hoar's motion will be adopted almost unanimously. That, the members of the Internationale, if they wish, may interpret as their victory. But the quixotic, garrulous visionaries among them, who dream of communistic Utopias, will get the surprise of their lives. The adoption of the Hoar motion will bring results with which they, crazy bunglers of the stripe of citizen of Sorge of Hoboken, will be as little satisfied as Karl Heinzen is with the Hohenzollern empire.

    On former occasions, when the labor question appeared exclusively in the form of the so-called "eight-hour movement", we have given it as our opinion that America, with its vigorous realism, is just the right place where the justified components of the labor movement can be separated from the anti-rational and 3confused fantasies, with which it has surrounded itself in Europe. The idea is justifiable that workers should appropriately share in the fruits of enormous progress in the technical field, and that this share should consist in a gain of time for higher intellectual education with a consequent enjoyment of life on a level more worthy of human beings...

    Unjustified, however, is the demand which one can more or less clearly distinguish in the savage howling of the Paris and Berlin demagogues, that, as formerly the capitalist was above and the worker below, so in future the worker should be on the top and the capitalist on the bottom. The place of one aristocracy, that of the purse, shall be taken by another, that of the fist. Not only the hard-working and able laborer, but the shiftless, uncouth n'er-do-well who calls himself worker, shall share in the gain of the capitalist. As in former centuries, "noble birth", so in future the mere name of "laborer" shall be a patent of nobility that assures the possessor the largest possible enjoyment of life with the least possible pains. This 4is the unreasonable view of the labor question that inevitably had to develop in Europe. But here on the soil of a free republic the situation is different. Here, where not a class of capitalist stands in opposition to a class of workers; here where nine-tenths of the capitalist have started their careers as laborers; here it is not a question of depriving somebody of special rights and giving them to the other side, but of assuring both of equal justice. Our workers are no cold and starving proletarians, and don't want to be regarded as poor pitiful wretches. None of them counts on remaining necessarily, to the end of his days, a wage earner, and to desire a state of society where a few years hence his own neck may be cut (if by then he should have become a capitalist) is far from his mind.

    But not in the measure as factory industry develops and population becomes more dense, the misproportion between fixed wage and capital gains will increase, that, indeed, is to be feared. And to cope with that future problem preparations must be made in advance. The solution lies in all probability in the direction of free cooperation. This, however presupposes, not an obtuse, savage, ignorant 5and violent mass of proletarians (as the communism of Berlin and Paris fashion does) but educated, industrious, ambitious workers. Not in the ways of Bebel and Liefknecht, who after all are but repulsive caricatures of Paris communists, but in the sober and practical ways of Schulze from Delitzsch, the labor question in the United States will be solved. As a first step to make such a solution one of the great national tasks, one may welcome Mr. Hoar's motion.

    A motion introduced into Congress by Representative Hoar (Mass.) recognizes the national scope of the relations between Capital and Labor. The motion aims at the nomination of a permanent commission ...

    German
    I D 2 a 4, I D 2 b, I H
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- December 20, 1871
    [Political Matters]

    The commission, which was charged last spring with working out practical propositions for a reform of the Civil Service (and to which Mayor Medill belongs) has submitted to the President the results of its labor in the form of a set of thirteen rules. The President immediately adopted the Committee's proposals and has sent them to Congress so that they shall be put into the form of a law which will be binding also for future Presidents.... The former United States Attorney-General Akerman, has given his opinion that the free choice of officials by the President may not be restricted as it would be contrary to the Constitution.

    However, one may suppose that, like the present President, also his successors, will voluntarily adopt the rules, because through them they are freed from a heavy burden. No President can possibly find it a pleasure to be beseeched by tens of thousands of hungry office-seekers for thousands of offices, and, after finally having made his choice without personally knowing the qualifications of the candidate, to then be held responsible for all their sins and stupidities. It will be a positive deliverance for the President, when the number of aspirants for subordinate administrative office is restricted to these examined candidates for each.

    2

    A reform like this is all that men like George M. Curtis, Joseph Medill, E. B. Elliott.....think at the present time possible. These men have just as much good will and clear insight as Carl Schurz, and probably considerably more common sense. If they believe that, given the prevailing social conditions and beliefs, a further approximation of European officialdom (than that contained in their proposals) is not possible, then we are not brazen enough to imagine we could shake their conviction by rhetorical flourishes and high sounding declamations. George M. Curtis, in particular, is a man of fully as high, or rather of higher mental endowment and considerably more extensive knowledge than Carl Schurz. If we have to choose between well-thought-out propositions by Mr. Curtis and declamations proving little but the irritated state of his nerves, by Mr. Schurz, we certainly will prefer the former.

    For the rest, it is true of this reform as of all others, that the proof of the pie is in the eating. If the proposed system shows good results, then public opinion - and that of course is the main concern - will put an end to the custom of giving offices as reward for political service. Without such support of public opinion it cannot be effected....

    The commission, which was charged last spring with working out practical propositions for a reform of the Civil Service (and to which Mayor Medill belongs) has submitted to the President ...

    German
    I H, IV
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 10, 1872
    [Political Matters]

    Carl Schurz has taken occasion in the first session of the Senate after the Christmas holidays to defend himself against a long series of mostly very absurd accusations that were published in an article in the New York Times.

    Some of these accusations, (as that he had extorted his general's patient on his return from Spain by threatening to turn 200,000 German votes from the Republican Party) are just sheer stupidity. It is likewise insipid to accuse Schurz of having shown revolutionary tendencies at the national convention in 1868. The contrary is true. Schurz was then timid rather than revolutionary, at least in regard to the repudiation policy of Butler. Personally, as well as in his paper, he touched Butler's doctrines only with velvet gloves and not for one moment did he take so outspoken a position as the Illinois Staats Zeitung. The chance he had to present to the convention a resolution in favor of civil service reform, (which had been moved by the German member of the platform committee( he did not use. The idea of this reform had then, it seems, not yet matured in him. He urged it neither from the rostrum nor in the press, and may have thought it too radical. In any case, not revolutionary was the appearance of Mr. Schurz at the National Convention, not even radical.

    2

    While Mr. Schurz had little to worry about in regard to this accusation it needed some longer explanation to dispose of the accusation that he had demanded (and received) $250 a week in 1860 as a stump speaker, and $50 to $100 honorarium an evening, besides. In itself this is hardly an accusation. Every worker deserves his pay, and to make stump speeches is work-often harder work than to cut wood.

    However, one point must not be overlooked. The American has his own views about what is, and what is not done. He thinks it all right that a stump speaker should be paid, but he does not think it all right that the orator should make himself paid twice. He regards nomination to an embassy, or election as a senator as a sufficient wage. He distinguishes between the paid orator and the statesman. He quite understands a statesman who makes money from his private business (as a lawyer for example, or a journalist). What he thinks queer is that somebody should make speeches as an aspiring statesman and should accept payment for the same speeches as a professional orator. For Schurz as a statesman he thinks 3the payment with an embassy, the general's buttons, and a seat in the Senate, not too high, but for Schurz, the paid public speaker, he does. It seems to be a fact that Mr. Schurz has no colleague in the Senate, with the exception of Mr. Nye, of Nevada, who claims reward both in cash and in expectation of high political preferment.

    As to his part in the nomination of Jussen for the office of Federal Tax Collector Mr. Schurz' explanation coincides exactly with ours given a few days ago. The single difference lies in that Schurz calls his written recommendation of Jussen a mere endorsement, while we called it a letter. That, however, is a "distinction without a difference". The important point is that the initiative in the nomination of Jussen did not come from Schurz, but from the Illinois Staats Zeitung, after the office (what we should have said already the last time, but will do so now) had been offered from Washington to the editor of this paper, Mr. A. C. Hesing and by him had been refused. Jussen himself never has had the impression that he owed his brother-in-law any thanks for his appointment.

    4

    With this we hope to have contributed our part to the defense of Mr. Schurz against spiteful and unfounded accusations.

    Carl Schurz has taken occasion in the first session of the Senate after the Christmas holidays to defend himself against a long series of mostly very absurd accusations that were ...

    German
    I F 3, I H, I F 4, IV
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- March 22, 1872
    [The Greenebaum Bill]

    The bill for the creation of mortgage banks, in the English papers usually referred to as "Greenebaum's Bill", has been definitely killed in Springfield. That is an infamy against Chicago that can hardly be explained otherwise, than by the boorish hatred of the American yokels against everything initiated or supported by the Germans. These miserable Kaffirs would gladly have voted for the bill if it had originated with an American banker like Coolbaugh...

    In the interest of the owners of burnt-down homes, especially on the North side, we hope that Mr. Greenebaum will not give up his plan but will get a concession from the legislature of any other state where the nativistic prejudice is not as strong as in ours. To forbid a "mortgage bank" to be active in Illinois luckily our legislature has not the power, even though it may not lack the desire.

    The bill for the creation of mortgage banks, in the English papers usually referred to as "Greenebaum's Bill", has been definitely killed in Springfield. That is an infamy against Chicago ...

    German
    I F 3, I C, I H, IV
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- April 16, 1872
    The Hecker Meeting in the Hall of the Turn Society Vorwarts.

    The meeting was opened by Dr. Schmidt. Schmidt declined the chairmanship; Franz Lackner was elected to preside. On taking over his office Mr. Lackner made a speech:

    "We who are not actuated by any personal interest, whom the well-being of the country and a feeling of duty alone drive to participate in politics, - we have long felt that it is time that the people take the reins of the party in their hands. In view of the terrible corruption inactivity begins to be a crime. We declare war against the administration:! Reform is our battle-cry and with that we will victoriously advance! From German throats this cry has issued, and already the whole of Germandom stands united!(?)"

    (Footnote: The Illinois Staats inserts the question mark).

    2

    After Hecker's speech resolutions were adopted containing the following main points:

    Preservation of the Federal Consititution and the utmost possible decentralization; civil service reform, adoption of the one term principle, (for the presidency), and energetic repression of the monopolies; tariff for revenues and restriction of all prohibitive and force legislation.

    A permanent committee was formed, composed of Dr. Ernst Schmidt, Louis Schultz, Wilhelm Ruhl, Gustav Korn......Franz Lackner, Hermann Lieb, Georg Vocke, Richard Michaelis, Gonrad Seipp and others.

    The meeting was opened by Dr. Schmidt. Schmidt declined the chairmanship; Franz Lackner was elected to preside. On taking over his office Mr. Lackner made a speech: "We who are ...

    German
    I F 6, III A, I H, IV