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Otthon -- January 02, 1934A New Hungarian Magazine
The Hungarian press has unexpectedly received an addition in the form of a monthly magazine, called Interest.
We do not know why the publisher christened it Interest, because that is not a Hungarian word, but perhaps he wished to symbolize the Americanization of our Hungarians.
Contributors to the first number were Franklin D. Roosevelt, Franz Herczig, Dr. Anton Feher, etc.
We wish luck to this new publication.
The Hungarian press has unexpectedly received an addition in the form of a monthly magazine, called Interest. We do not know why the publisher christened it Interest, because that is ...
II B 2 d 2, I F 4, III A
Secondary listingsHungarian // Attitudes > Politics > Extent of Influence (I F 4) ?
Hungarian // Assimilation > Segregation (III A) ?
Otthon -- January 02, 1934President Roosevelt's Birthday
The Hungarian-American Citizens Association will celebrate the birthday anniversary of our President on January 29.
Those present will send a congratulatory letter to the President, in which they will express their gratitude for his efforts in behalf of the working class.
The Hungarian-American Citizens Association will celebrate the birthday anniversary of our President on January 29. Those present will send a congratulatory letter to the President, in which they will express ...
I F 2
Abendpost -- January 03, 1934The Bar (Editorial)
The question being raised at the moment is: Shall it be forbidden to serve drinks at the bar to women? It is frequently the custom to make an issue of minor matters in order to divert general attention from the major issue. The real question is not whether women are to be allowed to frequent bars, but whether it is permissible to have bars in saloons. The city ordinance provides that alcoholic beverages may be dispensed only to customers who are seated. And so seats have been placed before bars. However, few persons will doubt that this was done merely to ignore a promise made during the fight against prohibition--the promise to prevent the return of the saloon.
And it was only the bar that characterized the saloon and constituted an objectionable feature. There the bartender went about his work, though he was seldom content to mix and serve, but encouraged his customers to drink. If he 2saw that a guest was about to leave, he quickly started another "round," and thus made an additional round obligatory. A favorite trick of bartenders was to introduce one customer to another; of course it was evident that the introduction was to be followed by the invitation, "Have a drink on me". Not only was it considered an insult to decline the invitation, but it was also considered obligatory to reciprocate. This "treating" was one of the worst evils of the bar, and it will return, whether the customers are seated or standing.
How did our municipal legislators picture the situation in the event of insufficient seating accomodations for all customers? Were they really naive enough to believe that late arrivals would stand in back of occupied seats and patiently wait until a seat had become vacant? In that event we would soon see more customers standing than sitting, and all would be quenching their thirst with the precious liquid. Thus the road would soon be clear for the return of the old evils.3
There is only one way to prevent this, and that is to do away with the bar. Then the question of serving women would solve itself. Without the bar the saloon would be a fit place for female customers. In any event, that is the way the majority of those who united in the fight against prohibition must have pictured their proposed unobjectionable saloon.
It almost seems as though certain politicians place special value upon retaining the bar. No doubt they intend to use the bar again as a snare to catch voters. Unfortunately, the bar is the rendezvous of a certain element that sells its vote for a few drinks. In addition, the co-operation of the bartender or saloonkeeper is obtained in this manner, and they have great influence upon this type of customer.
If the bar is retained there will be an early change in the general attitude. That would be grist to the mills of the drys.
The question being raised at the moment is: Shall it be forbidden to serve drinks at the bar to women? It is frequently the custom to make an issue of ...
I B 2, I K
Saloniki-Greek Press -- January 04, 1934The Greek Clergy
The Greek people in America have often been heard to complain of the lack of education and culture of the Greek clergy in this country. By this is meant that most of the people feel that the aspirants to the priesthood are not qualified for such position of influence and leadership. The chief point of complaint seems to be their lack of education. However, during the recent convention of the Greek clergy here in Chicago, we had the opportunity of making certain investigations and comparisons. We finally came to the conclusion that the Greek clergy of America was far superior to that of Greece. At the time we were talking and writing about the deficiencies of our own priests we were not aware of the magnitude of the illiteracy among the priests in Greece.
The latest decision of the Holy Synod of Greece was that any one with a 2grammar-school education might try for the priesthood. From any standpoint this decision is a terrible one. People with no education, no preparation, and no cultural or spiritual attributes are chosen to be the spiritual leaders of a nation. They are the ones who are supposed to provide food for the spiritual appetites of a people. It is evident that under such conditions the Greek Orthodox Church will not be able to survive in its birthplace for long. It would be a curious phenomenon to see a religion die in its homeland and thrive on the foreign soil of America.
For the first time in our history has the church made such an announcement. In former years, in all the countries of the world, it was the clergy which was the educated and cultured group. Now, the opposite is going to happen. It is now very difficult to find an educated priest, or an educated man who is willing to enter the priesthood. This is a phenomenon that should be of interest to the students of theology and sociology.
The Greek people in America have often been heard to complain of the lack of education and culture of the Greek clergy in this country. By this is meant that ...
Abendpost -- January 04, 1934Useful Peacetime Work (Editorial)
Very few of our fellow citizens have the least conception of the work that has been accomplished by the 1,522 camp groups of the Civilian Conservation Corps, and the 8000 Indians who have been organized separately in similar groups. And yet this work has assumed such proportions that it well deserves to be publicized in wider circles, at least in its principal parts.
According to the statistics before us, no less than 12,671 miles of new road have been laid, 4299 bridges built, 5058 new telegraph lines erected, 1700 watchtowers and tool sheds constructed, and 25000 acres of land provided with trees. At the same time tree nurseries have been established and their yield during the coming few years will be sufficient to provide useful trees for 50,000 acres of land.2
Special care was taken to preserve forests, as is evident from the fact that about 800,000 acres were protected from harmful insects. In addition, 47,000 acres of land were freed from poisonous weeds, 3,566,000 acres were put under rodent control, and tree and plant diseases that do untold damage every year were fought successfully within an area of 1,765,000 acres.
Forty thousand work days were required to fight forest fires, and 129,962 acres of woodland were protected against devastation by instituting and applying proven preventive measures.
Nearly 68,000 work days were spent in the nurseries during these six months. At the same time a vast area of woodlands have been converted into forests by the removal of old trees and other obstacles, and this land will be very useful after some time, whereas it otherwise would have remained utterly without value.
Under these circumstances all credit is due to the initiative of 3President Roosevelt, who is sole creator of the Civilian Conservation Corps, and he deserves our gratitude, even though we were somewhat skeptical about his plans at first, and maintained that we saw nothing in them but a weak attempt to decrease the army of unemployed. We did not take into account the benefits which would accrue from the work of 300,000 young men under able and intelligent leadership.
Due to reasons easily understood the work of the Civilian Conservation Corps will prove to be more beneficial to future generations than to the present one; however, even the present generation, in consideration of its own best interests, has every reason to give this peacetime work the credit which it deserves.
Very few of our fellow citizens have the least conception of the work that has been accomplished by the 1,522 camp groups of the Civilian Conservation Corps, and the 8000 ...
I H, I L
Secondary listingsGerman // Attitudes > Agriculture in the United States (I L) ?
Abendpost -- January 04, 1934The President's Message (Editorial)
To Congress, and to the entire country, President Roosevelt's message was doubly surprising. It was surprising that he read the message in person, and his failure to make a single concrete proposal for legislation was certainly unexpected. After the Presidents had, for decades, refrained from reading their messages in person before Congress, President Wilson took up the old custom again. His example was followed by Harding and Coolidge, while Hoover avoided making a personal appearance before the representatives of the people.
One can easily understand what induced Roosevelt to come to the Capitol and deliver his message in person. The circumstances surrounding a Presidential message are such that it is addressed not only to the Congress, but to the whole people as well, and, since the radio now gives men in public life an opportunity to make a personal appeal to every individual in the country, one can imagine 2why Roosevelt preferred to deliver the message himself, rather than to turn it over to a clerk. There is the further consideration that this message, at least in the opinion of its author, is a unique and extremely important document.
Knowing that his appearing before Congress in person might seem a dictatorial gesture, Roosevelt sought to avoid giving this impression by laying particular emphasis upon the excellent progress made by Congress in the enactment of legislation. He explained that he had not come before Congress to demand new laws, but seriously to consult with it and to work with it in harmony. His message contained no proposals for new laws, but was chiefly a survey of what had been attempted and attained by the laws enacted in the special session of Congress.
Roosevelt left no doubt that by these laws a new social order had been created in this country. He pointed to the measures for the relief of agriculture, especially the balancing of production and consumption. He indicated that the purpose of the measures regulating industry and commerce was the suppression of tyrannical monopoly and at the same time, the elimination of destructive methods 3of competition. In a few sentences he touched upon the currency policy, its effects and its goal, as well as the financial, banking, and budget policies of his administration.
The President related his efforts to the history of the past when he alluded to the first sentence of the preamble of the Constitution and declared that the overwhelming majority of the people, without regard for party affiliations, sought for mankind a greater opportunity to find prosperity and happiness. He said that he agreed with the people that prosperity and welfare is not furthered by materialism and extravagance, but by honor, unselfishness, a feeling of responsibility, and justice.
The message makes clear that its author considers the laws enacted in the special session to be permanent measures. They were measures to fight the depression, but in Roosevelt's opinion the chief cause of the depression was the fact that these laws and this regulation by the authorities did not exist; consequently these measures must be permanent. Hence the message foreshadows the end of 4economic individualism and the beginning of an economic era which is permeated with socialist ideas.
The President's message is marked by an openness not usual in documents of this sort. Thus it declares that the efforts of European statesmen to promote better international relations and to limit armaments have been unsuccessful as yet. At the same time the President states emphatically that from now on the United States will keep clear of Europe's political bargains and problems. He also emphasizes that the Pan-American Conference in Montevideo was a success, and that the other American republics have been convinced that henceforth the United States will not interfere in their internal affairs.
In every respect the message is in harmony with the President's policies. In broad outline it explains the New Deal, its goals and methods, and it will undoubtedly help to establish and strengthen the people's confidence in the man in the White House.
To Congress, and to the entire country, President Roosevelt's message was doubly surprising. It was surprising that he read the message in person, and his failure to make a single ...
Saloniki-Greek Press -- January 04, 1934The President's Address [Editorial]
At this time the thoughts and attention of the American people are focused upon the President of the United States. Especial interest is evidenced in his latest speech to the Senate which was broadcast over the radio. Not so long ago the speeches made by presidents did not go much farther than Washington D. C. Sometimes the people read such speeches, but in the majority of cases they did not, because they were written in such technical language, and in such long-drawn-out paragraphs. Later, when the railroads began shortening the distance between cities and towns, and the telegraph made communication a simple procedure, larger and larger numbers of people began to follow the developments in Washington. During the last ten years the radio has brought the news of the world into every home. This, therefore, was the method chosen by the President for telling his people what the proposed program would mean to their welfare.....2
The President's defenders praise the incomparable manner in which he presents his policies to the people. Even his worst opponents envy his power of public appeal; while the radical groups seem to see a realization of their dreams for a socialistic government in America. This is made much of by the Republican party, which is conservative to the "nth" degree. However, all of the various political factions agree that the President was correct in his predictions and precautions. His speech to the American people was touching in its honesty, courage, and philanthropy. The method used by Roosevelt in presenting his beliefs to the people has caused a psychological change in the minds of all classes of people--except the conservatives and capitalists. To each person has come the realization of the difference between the policies and ideologies of the present Administration and the one in power before F. D. R. took over last March.
We are actually at the threshold of a great social upheaval. No matter what 3name we attach to the suggested reforms of the President, it is the common opinion that future relationships between the government and the individual will be different than ever before. There is a marked resemblance to national socialism. There is, as yet, no mention made of public ownership and lack of individual right to property; but the President has foreseen the day when the state will provide each unemployed person with work. That is nothing less than social equality--which does not, however, lead to the government of Marx, but to an ideal, long-sought type dreamed of by Plato, Moore, and Campanella.
Nevertheless, we do not wish to go on record as believing that Roosevelt is a socialist. On the contrary, the general outline of his program reveals that he is striving to strengthen the status quo, which was on shaky foundations before he took office. The President himself has said that a rebirth is being hoped for; a radical change in social ideals is being aimed at. This change which the President seeks to bring about--and which the great majority of 4American people are in favor of--will be accomplished by the passage of certain social laws and the establishment of certain guarantees which have been demanded by the people. The outline is based upon benefits for the up-until-now-forgotten common people of America. Food shelter, and clothing must be available to every human being because they are his natural and lawful heritage as a member of society.
The suggestions and ideals of the President mark a great turning point in the history of mankind. The hopes of men all over the world are fixed upon the success of these policies. The basis for the future government of all nations has been laid by Roosevelt. May his dreams become realities so that we may all--except, of course, the poor capitalists--benefit by them. It is unfortunate for humanity that more men such as Roosevelt are not in evidence in the governments of nations.
At this time the thoughts and attention of the American people are focused upon the President of the United States. Especial interest is evidenced in his latest speech to the ...
I E, II B 2 e, I D 1 a, I H
Secondary listingsGreek // Contributions and Activities > Avocational and Intellectual > Intellectual > Radio Programs and Cinema (II B 2 e) ?
Greek // Attitudes > Economic Organization > Capitalistic Enterprise > Big Business (I D 1 a) ?
Greek // Attitudes > Social Problems and Social Legislation (I H) ?
Saloniki-Greek Press -- January 04, 1934New Greek Concern
Three well-known Greek men, P. Kontominas, C. Pappas, and P. Malakates, have opened a new concern called "The Old Dutch Flour Company." Its offices and warehouses are at 831 West Polk Street in the building owned by P. Galanopoulos.
Mr. P. Kontominas has been in the flour business for many years, and has a large clientele of fine restaurants which buy all their flour from him. The addition of the other two gentlemen will triple the business because they are both well known and respected by Greek and American businessmen.
Three well-known Greek men, P. Kontominas, C. Pappas, and P. Malakates, have opened a new concern called "The Old Dutch Flour Company." Its offices and warehouses are at 831 West ...
II A 2
Rassviet (The Dawn) -- January 05, 1934The Red Flag and the Russian Colony (Editorial)
In one of the Bolshevik newspapers of New York there appeared the advertisement of a certain commercial establishment offering for sale red flags and many other Soviet emblems. There had been no such advertisement in the American Bolshevik press before, as there had been no demand for Soviet emblems. Whenever the Bolsheviks or the Socialists were in need of a red flag, they usually went to some dry-goods store, bought several yards of red silk or other red fabric, and had a red flag, since the Red Russian Flag has no eagles, lions, stars or other emblems on its red fabric.
But now, since the recognition of the Soviets by the United States government, there evidently has appeared a great demand for red flags and other Soviet emblems, and some enterprising commercial house has decided to make a little money selling red flags. But whether American Big Business will make any money by its commercial relations with the Soviets is another story.2
The Red Russian Flag is no longer regarded in this country as a flag of revolution, as heretofore, but as the official flag of a foreign country. From now on we shall see red flags flying on Soviet buildings in this country, on the automobiles of Soviet diplomats, and other places where there is Soviet activity.
In view of the fact that the Red Russian Flag is now officially recognized in America, the Bolsheviks are trying hard, if not to convert to Bolshevism all Russian organizations in America, then, at least, to make them friendly toward the Soviet government and sympathetic with it. They are beginning now to attend the meetings of Russian organizations and to suggest to their members that they send greetings to Moscow, congratulating the Soviet government upon having achieved recognition by the American Government. They also ask that red flags be prominently displayed on the premises of all Russian organizations in America. When asked why the Soviet government should be congratulated, they answer: "Because of its recognition by the United States." They do not understand that, if Russians are so much imbued with the greeting spirit, they should direct their salutations and affabilities not to the Soviets, but to the American Government.3
Why? Because the Moscow government has not recognized the United States; the United States has recognized the Moscow regime.
The suggestion of the Reds that Russian organizations should decorate their quarters with Red flags is causing much disagreement and discord among their members. Some of our people are of the opinion that the Red Flag of Soviet Russia should be acknowledged as our flag, because it is the flag of our fatherland. Others maintain that it should be accepted because it is the symbol of freedom, equality and brotherhood.
But both groups are wrong. The Red Russian Flag is not the flag of our father-land, because, for us, the doors to this fatherland are closed forever. The Soviet government regards all Russians living abroad as foreigners, and allows them--if they are not open enemies of the Soviets--to visit their former father-land only as tourists. This is why the Red Flag cannot be our national flag.
One also cannot regard the Red Flag, the flag of the Bolshevik party, as the symbol and emblem of equality and brotherhood. Until the Bolshevik revolution 4the Red Flag really was the flag of all workers, the symbol of freedom and social justice. But after the Bolshevik revolution it became the emblem of blood, terror executions, lawlessness, and hard labor.
Therefore, there should be no room in Russian organizations for the Red Russian Flag and the Soviet emblems until the Soviet government establishes freedom in Russia, until it permits the Russian people to live their lives according to their own needs and desires, and until the Red Flag ceases to be the symbol of blood and slavery.
In one of the Bolshevik newspapers of New York there appeared the advertisement of a certain commercial establishment offering for sale red flags and many other Soviet emblems. There had ...
III H, I E
Abendpost -- January 05, 1934The City Council Interferes (Editorial)
The controversy about the liquor bill which is pending in the Illinois State Legislature has entered a new phase. The Chicago City Council has taken a hand in the controversy in a manner that will show results. As is known, the old opposition between city and county, between Chicago and its metropolitan population on the one hand, and the rural and small town communities on the other, is the underlying cause of the fight. Governor Horner and those members of the Legislature who represent rural districts favor a law which provides for control of liquor traffic by a state commission. Mayor Kelly wants home rule on the matter for Chicago, and the Cook County Democratic members of the Legislature share his opinion.
The Republicans in the Legislature have utilized this controversy to weaken the position of Chicago and to widen the control of the rural communities over 2the city. They have appealed to President Roosevelt, asking him to take a hand in the controversy to prevent the return of the saloon, in line with the platform adopted at the Democratic National Convention. This appeal completely ignores the fact that the platform refers only to dives and haunts of criminals, and that it expressly advocates home rule.
In the meantime, Governor Horner and Mayor Kelly have reached a compromise according to which two commissions are to be appointed, one for Cook County and one for the rest of the state. The president of the County Commission is also to serve as president of the State Commission. It is still somewhat early to examine this compromise very closely; but in any event, it can be readily substantiated that is one of the most brilliant achievements of advanced controversial bar issue. He has agreed, in the interest of moderation and good morals, to let his greatly plagued contemporaries henceforth sit down and pour whisky into their systems.3
Now the City Council has also entered into the fray and to a man has taken sides with Mayor Kelly. The city Fathers emphasize that, above all else, the right of home rule is at issue. This point is of utmost importance. In order to avoid any false conceptions, we stress the fact that Chicago demands nothing but the right to regulate the liquor traffic that is carried on within her borders. Chicago does not care what the authorities in the rest of the state decide to do in regard to the matter; Chicago has no desire to force its will upon them, nor does it wish to be tyrannized by them. In order to ascertain the attitude of the citizens on the question, the City Council has tentatively decided to have a referendum vote taken at the primaries in April. This resolution deserves commendation.
In reality, a referendum should not be necessary. However, the saloon question is being kept alive by the determined dries. They are receiving reinforcements from the ranks of the Republicans, who are trying to make political capital out of the controversy. And, finally, we have the demagogues as third member of the trio. Thus the issue which really should have been settled long ago 4has been turned into a bitter controversy. That is why a referendum is in order.
The controversy about the liquor bill which is pending in the Illinois State Legislature has entered a new phase. The Chicago City Council has taken a hand in the controversy ...
I B 1, I F 3
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