The Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey was published in 1942 by the Chicago Public Library Omnibus Project of the Works Progress Administration of Illinois. The purpose of the project was to translate and classify selected news articles that appeared in the foreign language press from 1855 to 1938. The project consists of 120,000 typewritten pages translated from newspapers of 22 different foreign language communities of Chicago.

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  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 20, 1875
    American Radicalism (Editorial)

    In Germany to be radical meant, and still means, to apply all one's strength and resources in opposing and trying to overthrow the existing form of government [(Monarchy)]. Most of the so-called "Forty-eighters" were radicals in this sense of the word. [Translator's note: The author refers to the leaders of the German Revolution of 1848. Among them were Hecker, Sigel, Schurz, Rosenthal, Resencranz, Annecke, Ostermann, Solomon, and others who served the North during the Civil War.] In America they did not find the object against which their radicalism was directed. However, slavery offered itself as a substitute, and they opposed it with remarkable success. Since slavery has been abolished, German radicalism has been idle, but has been seeking new fields of endeavor. Recently, it seems, German liberals wanted to import the fight which is being waged in Europe, between Germany and the Vatican, to America, in order to have opportunity for following their 2mad inclinations to destroy.

    However, there are also American radicals who are opposed to our form of government, and are bent on establishing a system that is the direct opposite of the one we are now maintaining, when the opportunity to do so presents itself. In Germany the radicals demanded that the monarchy be abolished; American radicals are demanding that universal suffrage be abolished. The two movements are similar, inasmuch as they seek to destroy historical institutions, and that certainly requires moral courage. To revile kings and emperors while one is in America, requires no more courage than it does to revile republics when one is in Germany; but when an American tells our tyrannical dictators, "the people," that they are incompetent, that they cannot rule themselves,--well, no honest person can call him a coward.

    In this sense the Chicago Times is a very radical publication. For some time it has made revolutionary attacks on the prevailing majority rule, which is based upon universal suffrage. The substitute for our present 3American form of government which it recommends is nothing less than German imperialism. The Chicago Times would like to have the rights of the people limited exclusively to the election of a representative body [Reichstag], and advocates that the election of all executive, administrative, and judicial officers be abolished. All these "servants of the people" ought to be appointed; but, for the present, the Chicago Times does not state who should appoint them. However it would not be inconsistent of the Times, if it demanded that the respective officers not even be elected indirectly-- in other words, if it demanded that some of the government offices not be filled by popular election.

    While declaring its reasons for its radical demands, the Times makes several malicious sidethrusts at the Germans, which is nothing unusual. We shall make a reply at some more suitable time. At present it is our object to present only the fundamental ideas of the Times as a noteworthy sign of our age, and anyone who has intercourse with educated Americans knows that they often express the very same ideas.

    4

    "To elect someone" says Parton, "does not mean merely to cast a ballot into a box, but to express an opinion". Ignorance, however, is unable to express an opinion. The Times has this to say on this point: "Self-government means self-support, self-control, and self-guidance. The individual who has not the self-supporting, self-guiding, and self-controlling faculty, is not fit for, nor capable of self-government. He is not a fit or safe person to be entrusted with the elective franchise in any political society."

    Ignorance is not mere illiteracy. Some of the most illiterate people are among those most capable of self-support, self-control, and self-guidance; are among those most capable of forming intelligent and reliable opinions upon all matters of public or private concern. Many who are popularly called "educated" are among the least capable in these respects.

    As a rule women are incapable of forming trustworthy decisions on political or public issues, although they are qualified by "education" to devour 5"society literature" by the shipload. There are exceptions, of course, but, in general, "educated" women possess less true voting faculty than the most illiterate men.

    In this respect they compare with those "educated" male bipeds whom Parton calls "the snobs of society, who turn up their noses at 'this voting, you know'; 'deuced nuisance, you know'; 'never voted in my life, you know'; 'and never shall, you know'". Like the lower class of Germans, called educated because they have acquired by machinery the arts of reading and writing, they are incapable of self-government; they need somebody to take care of and provide for them. This criticism is not meant to disparage the high social function of women; it is simply a statement of the fact, that, in general, women, irrespective of their literary attainments, lack the faculty of voting; and, lacking the faculty, they should not be permitted to do so in any representative state.

    6

    It is said that on the Sandwich Islands there is not a man, woman, or child who cannot read and write, most of them in two languages. According to our theorists who advocate compulsory schooling, the Kanakas should be a people eminently qualified to save our political institutions from ruin. They are, probably, no less qualified for that purpose than the "snobs of society" described by Mr. Parton, or the hordes of lower-class Germans and Scandinavians, who, though given an elementary education by state machinery, are less capable of self-guidance than the most "ignorant white trash" in the South, and not much more so than that class which, having just emerged from centuries of slavery, has been deemed by our "educated" politicians qualified to assume at once the highest political functions; or who, if not so qualified, can, it is thought, be made so by a few turns of a governmental schooling machine.

    No prophetic instinct or power is necessary to predict that political institutions resting on such a foundation of ignorance, which prevails not only among the most illiterate, but also among the most "educated" schoolmasters 7and legislators, are predestined to "ruin". No state schooling machinery can possibly raise the stream higher than its source.

    This writer advocates the only rational remedy. It is to diminish the source by "disfranchising ignorance". Illiteracy should be included in this ignorance disfranchised; but to disfranchise illiteracy alone is not sufficient. The ignorance that consists in lack of the faculty of honest self-support, self-control, and self-guidance is that which constitutes the unsafe, the impossible foundation of free representative institutions. This is the ignorance that must be disfranchised in order to avert the "ruin".

    Some will say it is impractical and inexpedient. Practicability and expediency are not the issues. The question is the alternative: political downfall or disfranchisement of ignorance. No doubt, political destruction is both more practical and more expedient than the disfranchisement of ignorance. Our "educated" politicians prefer the former. But the disfranchisement of ignorance is not so impractical as many people think. There are many ways 8of establishing a suffrage qualification that would exclude not only the ignorance of illiteracy, but also the greater and more dangerous ignorance of incapacity.

    One of the best and surest ways of excluding the evil consequences of ignorant balloting is to abolish it. The basis of representative government is the constitution of a representative body by free, popular election. At that point, in any really good form of representative government, the popular election business stops. The selection of executive, administrative, or judicial functionaries by popular ballot is no part of a truly republican or representative form of government. It is a poisonous outgrowth, borrowed by "educated" demagogues and jobhunters from the semibarbarous system called "democracy," of which history furnishes not a single example that has not proven to be a failure. It is literally and truly a relic of barbarism and, supplemented by the universal enfranchisement of ignorance and incapacity, will surely lead any nation to either barbarism or despotism. There are no good reasons to think that America will prove to be an exception to a rule 9that heretofore has been without a single exception.

    This is the viewpoint of the Chicago Times on American radicalism. If a newspaper printed in Germany had published the article quoted from the Times, it would have evoked angry retorts from our people, about the "ignorance" of the "foreigners" and their "inability to understand American conditions". And yet, one cannot blame the people across the ocean for relying upon the judgment of a newspaper, which cannot be classed as a party organ, but speaks its mind, irrespective of parties or persons, though it may be guilty of unspeakable offenses against morality and decency. The views which it expressed concerning the effect of electing officers sound rather harsh; yet, in substance, they are not different from what hundreds of American newspapers have written for many years, although in somewhat more careful language, and with certain reservations. The same veiwpoint is expressed by the frequently heard complaint: "We have too many elections". However, it is questionable whether or not the general dissatisfaction with the present system of election will lead to a fundamental change.

    In Germany to be radical meant, and still means, to apply all one's strength and resources in opposing and trying to overthrow the existing form of government [(Monarchy)]. Most of ...

    German
    I E, I A 1 a, I K, I J, I H
  • Hejmdal -- January 23, 1875
    (No headline)

    We ask the Danes in Chicago to help financially towards the monument of H. C. Andersen, which is going to be erected, in Copenhagen. Every nation is helping, so we are sure that Danes in America will, too.

    Receipt will be given for the donations. A. Skow. Petersen.

    We ask the Danes in Chicago to help financially towards the monument of H. C. Andersen, which is going to be erected, in Copenhagen. Every nation is helping, so we ...

    Danish
    II B 1 b
  • Hejmdal -- January 23, 1875
    (No headline)

    We ask the Danes in Chicago to help financially towards the monument of H. C. Andersen, which is going to be erected, in Copenhagen. Every nation is helping, so we are sure that Danes in America will, too.

    Receipt will be given for the donations. A. Skow. Petersen.

    We ask the Danes in Chicago to help financially towards the monument of H. C. Andersen, which is going to be erected, in Copenhagen. Every nation is helping, so we ...

    Danish
    II B 1 b
  • Hejmdal -- January 30, 1875
    [Depositors in Closed Bank Receive New Dividend]

    The depositors of the Scandinavian National Bank will in the near future receive another dividend of fifteen per cent, which will mean that forty per cent will have been paid.

    The depositors of the Scandinavian National Bank will in the near future receive another dividend of fifteen per cent, which will mean that forty per cent will have been paid.

    Danish
    II A 2, II A 2, II A 2
  • Hejmdal -- January 30, 1875
    [Depositors in Closed Bank Receive New Dividend]

    The depositors of the Scandinavian National Bank will in the near future receive another dividend of fifteen per cent, which will mean that forty per cent will have been paid.

    The depositors of the Scandinavian National Bank will in the near future receive another dividend of fifteen per cent, which will mean that forty per cent will have been paid.

    Danish
    II A 2, II A 2, II A 2
  • Chicago Times -- January 30, 1875
    Thomas Paine's Birthday Anniversary Was Celebrated by the Scandinavians Yesterday.

    The Skandinaviske Frioenker Forening, or the Scandinavian Free Thinking Society, of this city, held its eighth annual celebration commemorating the 138th anniversary of the birth of Thomas Paine, last evening, at Orpheus Hall, on the corner of West Lake and Peoria Streets. The society was established nine years ago and consists at present of about one hundred members, the majority of whom are Swedes and Norwegians. They hold their regular sessions at No. 113 Milwaukee Avenue, where they meet twice a month and advocate the principles of their leader.

    About nine o'clock the hall was filled with a large representation of the Scandinavian race of both sexes, a number of the latter (women) having been attracted by the festivities which the latter part of the program offered.

    Upon the platform of the stage stood a rough representation of the Goddess of Liberty, and upon the pedestal which supported it were inscribed the words, "Friheds 2Gudinde Dit Nawn Er Godt Spred Sandheds Wisdoms Lys Fra Bol Til Bol."Goddess of Liberty, thy name is good. Spread the light of truth and wisdom from pole to pole." Over the center of the stage hung suspended a portrait of Paine, surrounded by a sketch designed to represent the American eagle, carrying in his beak the usual streamers, which bore the motto, "Frem itiden Komer Sandhedens Lys," or "In the future the light of truth will come." From the balconies on either side, the banners of the different nations represented alongside of the American flag were unfurled and the whole apartment was arranged with reference to the occasion. After an overture by the Exposition band, which furnished the music for the evening, Dr. G. Paoli, the president of the society, made an eloquent address in the Scandinavian tongue, eulogizing the founder of their principles of belief, and expressing himself as opposed to the religious doctrines propagated in this country. The president was succeeded by Gen. I.N.Stiles, whom he introduced to the audience as one of the strongest and most sincere free-thinkers in the city.

    Gen. Stiles began by stating that liberty might well point to Thomas Paine, for he was her noble son; genius might point to him also, for he was her brother. Few men 3were abused as much as he had been because he did not agree with the majority. The thinkers, the men who moved the world, always started from among the minority, and labored among the many. Paine had been calumniated because he had dared to think for himself, and had set priests at defiance. The world was his country, he said, and to do good was his religion. The speaker challenged any one to find a sentence uttered by Paine which had ever savored of immorality. He had thought for himself, and had then doubted that God could be such as Moses had described him. Nothing so delighted him (God) as a sacrifice, and what pleased Him above all things was the blood of women and children. Paine had defied the priests of the so-called Christian religion to demonstrate to him that God was a being of such atrocious cruelty. When men come to think for themselves, they no longer desired the services of a priest. The priest insisted that fixed belief should be indoctrinated in the minds of children when they were too young to use their reason. In that they were mistaken. In addition to his doctrines of free thought, Paine had advocated the principles of liberty, and aided Jefferson and Adams in establishing a republic in this country. No man had done so much to impress the American people with the importance of independent thought and action. The nineteenth century had produced her Darwin, 4her Tyndall, and her Huxley, and the time was not far distant when the people could embrace the doctrines of liberty and truth.

    Marc Trans was the next speaker. He began by giving a sketch of the life of Thomas Paine. He considered him the real founder of the republic, because the idea of liberty and free thought originated with him. Paine was not only a speaker and a writer, but an actor as well, for he had served as a soldier in defense of his country. It is Tom Paine the people should thank for the free institutions of this country, nothwithstanding the fact that the press and the pulpit had united to caluminate him; that he was not held in greater estimation did not speak well for the character of the American people.

    At the conclusion of the addresses, which were received with enthusiastic applause, the hall was cleared, and dancing succeeded, a part of the program which continued until an early hour in the morning.

    The Skandinaviske Frioenker Forening, or the Scandinavian Free Thinking Society, of this city, held its eighth annual celebration commemorating the 138th anniversary of the birth of Thomas Paine, last evening, ...

    Swedish
    II B 1 d, II B 1 d
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- February 01, 1875
    Gamblers, Police, and Courts (Editorial)

    Last week Chicago witnessed a most disgraceful spectacle, when a clique of professional gamblers who had been indicted by a grand jury, were acquitted by our highly esteemed institution, commonly known as the trial jury, and generally considered to be a "palladium of freedom". The victory of these criminals over our court was complete. How was it won?

    There can be no doubt on this question among those who followed the proceedings. The evidence given by the police could not stand up under the bold lies of the defense. The State's attorney failed to summon as witnesses men who had made convicting statements before the grand jury and the Sheriff assembled a jury which was sympathetic to the accused. The latter took the unnecessary precaution of filling the courtroom with their henchmen, rough, criminal rogues, who, by their very presence, and by unmistakable threats, "persuaded" the chief witnesses for the prosecution to withhold evidence which would lead 2to a verdict of guilty.

    What is it that gives these criminals such great power over our police and our courts? In the first place, it is money. The enemies of society surely can expect a return of favors from a sheriff whom they presented with a diamond-studded star worth $3,000, and from police officials to whom they pay heavy graft under the guise of sham sales and by other pretenses. In the second place, criminals wield great influence through primary elections.

    In the primary election held last fall these cliques of gamblers worked especially for the Republican party, but they also worked for some of the candidates of the People's party. Well do we remember how valiantly the latter fought to rid itself of undesirable candidates, and it succeeded in part, but not altogether. The officers who owe their election to organized criminals consider themselves servants of the latter, and not of the people. The nomination was of primary importance to these friends of scoundrels, and once they are nominated, they depend upon "party discipline" to do the rest. Therefore 3they endeavor to gain the favor of the criminal element, since it knows how to "fix" primary elections.

    This evil makes "election by the people" a disgraceful farce, and it can only be eliminated by abolishing the system of primary elections entirely. The honorable leaders of the People's party tried to do this last fall, but their efforts were frustrated by the very people who now have brought dishonor upon the party to which they owe their election. We must succeed, however, in doing in 1875 what we failed to do in 1874. This time there will be no state or national election to interfere. Only county and city officers are to be chosen. We shall thus have a favorable opportunity to put a stop to the work of those ward politicians, whose entire knowledge and ability is limited to fraudulently acquiring nominations at primary elections. Thus there are good prospects that the freedom of the ballot will be restored to the people who had been deprived, or rather robbed, of it, under the present abominable system.

    If about a hundred honest, educated, and prominent citizens of this city 4disregard any differences of opinion that may exist among them with reference to religion, local or national politics, and nationality, and compile a list of candidates, excluding professional political job-hunters, criminals, etc., then the moral influence which the recommendation of these eminent citizens will carry, will be strong enough to counteract, and thus destroy, the influence of the criminal element. Then the two political parties will not oppose each other like two armies in which the undesirable element has a standing, but the decent citizens who have the welfare of....[Translator's note: The remainder of this article has been removed by a clipper.]

    Last week Chicago witnessed a most disgraceful spectacle, when a clique of professional gamblers who had been indicted by a grand jury, were acquitted by our highly esteemed institution, commonly ...

    German
    I F 6, I F 3
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- February 02, 1875
    A Card

    On several occasions Sheriff Agnew has tried to mislead public opinion by asserting that "Hesing's paper" (The Illinois Staats-Zeitung), in disclosing his (Agnew's) delinquencies, follies, and crimes, is merely venting a personal spite, since [A.] Hesing had been trying to "run" the Sheriff's office, and had been foiled in that attempt. In order to enable the people of this city to form a correct opinion on this matter, I desire to give them a full and explicit statement of whatever personal relations have existed between the Sheriff and me.

    To begin with, I have never asked Agnew for a favor in the shape of the appointment of any friend of mine to an office under him. The only exception, if it may be called an exception, consisted therein, that I joined several very prominent citizens of Irish extraction in recommending that Peter Mundt be appointed jailer. However, neither in that case, nor in any other, did I take the initiative in recommending a new appointment.

    When it was rumored that Agnew intended to appoint McHale and his own brother, 2Luke, to responsible positions, a committee of our very best and most highly respected citizens of Irish birth called upon me and requested that I do everything possible to prevent such a disgraceful act. They told me that McHale was a rascal who had never done an honest day's work in Chicago, a drunkard and a ruffian, and that Luke Agnew was in the habit of "going off on a spree" and staying drunk for days and even weeks. I saw Agnew, repeated to him what I had been told, and cautioned him against making such appointments. He admitted the facts, but tried to tone them down somewhat by saying that McHale had been rather wild, but yet he appointed McHale as well as his own brother.

    On that same occasion I spoke to him about the bailiffs; I told him that he could not conduct his office successfully unless he retained some of the old and experienced help, since he himself was utterly inexperienced. I advised him to secure the services of Tim Bradley, and to retain men like Merrill, who had been chief bailiff in the criminal court for many years, and had carried out his duties in a very efficient manner.

    I also asked that he keep Galpin, who had filled his position with great credit 3to himself for fifteen years; Probsthan who had done duty in the criminal court for eight years; and Ostermann and George Voecke. In reply he told me that he could not, and would not, retain Merrill, but would appoint in his stead Hutchinson, a man of rather dubious character, who is known for his habitual association with gamblers, ruffians, and people of that ilk. He also mentioned, as fit to be retained, two men who were the very type of men who ought to have been kicked out, for they are well-known characters among "sporting men," in nowise trustworthy, and the very last men in the community to whom should be entrusted the highly important and responsible work of selecting jurors to try gambling cases. Thus I tried to "run" the Sheriff's office, and thus I succeeded!

    Very soon afterwards I was informed that the Sheriff was going from bad to worse; that he was hardly ever sober; that he was a regular visitor of houses of ill fame on Fourth Avenue, and was even attempting to entice his own subordinates to accompany him to haunts of prostitution; that he was a frequenter of well-known gambling resorts; that his appointees in the county jail were committing the most despicable outrages against decency and discipline, by holding veritable 4orgies under the very noses of the prisoners whom they were appointed to watch.

    Then I sent for him and advised him to mend his ways, emphasizing to him the danger of destroying his reputation in the community, and of bringing disgrace upon his best friends. He listened to my advice and solemnly promised to reform, but he did nothing of the kind. The disreputable characters who brought disgrace upon the office were retained in their positions, and conditions at the jail became worse than ever before, in spite of the remonstrances of Peter Hand.

    The climax was reached when the Sheriff, having been in office for scarcely six weeks, became the recipient of a diamond star, allegedly worth $2,000. This was a gift from those very disreputable men who are a curse and a bane to our city, and whose immunity from punishment for their offenses against our criminal laws is based on their ability to control the selection of jurors by the Sheriff. [Translator's note: In an editorial entitled "Gamblers, Police And Courts" which was published in the Illinois Staats-Zeitung on February 1, 1875, the 5value of the star referred to was given as $3,000, while the author of this article estimates it at $2,000.] I did, and still do, consider Agnew's acceptance of a gift from such a source a slap in the face of public opinion, and, acting upon that conviction, I publicly exposed the disgraceful transaction in such terms as it deserved.

    The manner in which Agnew took revenge, namely, by removing from office all men who ought to have been retained in the interest of the community, is well known to our citizens. What may be less generally known, is the fact that the Illinois Staats-Zeitung, previous to the last election, took a very determined stand against the extravagantly high costs of the Sheriff's office and insisted that they be substantially decreased.

    That, probably, is the real reason for Agnew's bitter and venomous spite against me. I know of no good reason why the Sheriff of this county should make from $60 to $75 per day at the expense of the prisoners under his charge, or, to be more correct, at the expense of the taxpayers who pay him about four times the amount 6which he actually spends for the sustenance of those prisoners.

    In conclusion, I wish to say most emphatically that I have never desired, or attempted, to "run" the Sheriff's office, or any other office. It is well known in the community that I have been active in politics, but all my efforts have been confined to organizing political parties and managing political campaigns. They have never been devoted to the petty business of finding political jobs for men under the officers elected by the people. Where and when my advice has been desired I have given it freely and without prejudice or malice, but I have never tried to force anybody to follow my advice. Every department of our municipal government will bear witness to the truth of this assertion. So would Sheriff Agnew, if the truth were in him.

    A. Hesing

    On several occasions Sheriff Agnew has tried to mislead public opinion by asserting that "Hesing's paper" (The Illinois Staats-Zeitung), in disclosing his (Agnew's) delinquencies, follies, and crimes, is merely venting ...

    German
    I F 6, II B 2 d 1, IV
  • Chicago Times -- February 02, 1875
    A Little Difficulty between a German Church and His Pastor.

    An adjourned meeting of the Chicago presbytery was held at their rooms, in the McCormick block, yesterday afternoon. The Rev. Dr. Jacob Post, of the Holland Church, opened the meeting. The first German Church.

    The Rev. Mr. Trowbridge of the committee on home missions, presented a statement of the financial condition of the first German church, of which the Rev. C. Wisner is pastor.

    They stand by their pastor.

    The following series of resolutions were submitted by Elder Saalfeldt, with a request that the presbytery take some action upon the matter:

    2

    Resolved, First, that from a full knowledge of our people among whom we, as a church organization, are located, and in view of what we are constrained to believe to be for our own spiritual and religious instruction and edification as a church, we therefore hold and intend to continue as the First German Presbyterian church of Chicago, and to adhere to our present mode of divine worship, in our own German language, rather than in English, which, for such a purpose at least, we do not understand.

    Resolved, Second, that we are from occupying an anti-American position, nor do we harbor an anti-Anglican spirit, but rather appreciate all that is good and noble in America, and in the English language; hence we find to when circumstances change, and the state of society with us requires it, we , ourselves, are ready and willing to introduce English religious services, in wise, practical proportions. For any Christian or Christian philanthropist to ask more of us, seems to us to be asking too much.

    Resolved, Third, that we, led by our experience, do put such a high value upon the personal and ministerial character and labors of the Rev. Christian Wisner, our pastor, that we cannot consent to his being asked by several of the Sunday-school teachers to resign, but we, on the contrary, do heartily and unanimously desire and request his continuance with us.

    3

    Resolved, Fourth, that Mr. E. A. Saulfeldt, ruling elder in our church, together with our minister, the Rev. C. Wisner, be especially requested to present these statements and resolutions to the Presbytery of Chicago, with our hopeful prayers that these questions and issues find a candid consideration, and wise decision, so that the glory of our exalted Savior be promoted.

    Prof. Francis L. Patton objected to listening to the complaint of the Sunday-school teachers of the church, as a bad precedent would thus be made, which would go on record, and cause endless trouble in the future. He was opposed to placing the Sunday School on a equal footing with the members of the church, in such a matter.

    Rev. Mr. Wisner stated that he had laid the matter before the presbytery because he had been asked to resign by the members of the Sunday school. He was willing to abide by the decision of the presbytery, but he did not believe that preaching in the English language would successfully supplant the preaching in German.

    4

    He hoped the presbytery would not decide the matter hastily, and he spoke doubtfully of the result of an attempt to Americanize the church. He was afraid that the adoption of the report would break up the church. Dr. Mitchell dwelt in highly complementary terms on the work being done by the church, and was of opinion that the report was the best that could be made under the circumstances.

    Dr. Elliott said that Mr. Wisner had been of great assistance to the church and had done a good deal of work for them. He regarded this attempt to drive their pastor away as highly discreditable. The place of worship could not be maintained if he was forced to resign, and the labor of Mr. Wisner would be thrown away. No one with greater energy and ability could be found than Mr. Wisner, and the work could only be done by a German.

    An adjourned meeting of the Chicago presbytery was held at their rooms, in the McCormick block, yesterday afternoon. The Rev. Dr. Jacob Post, of the Holland Church, opened the meeting. ...

    German
    III C
  • Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- February 02, 1875
    A Letter from A. C. Hesing

    On several occasions Sheriff Agnew has endeavored to mislead public opinion by asserting that "Hesing's paper," in uncovering his delinquencies, follies, and crimes, was merely venting a personal spite, since Hesing had been trying to "run the Sheriff's office" and had been foiled in that attempt. In order to enable the people of this city to form a correct opinion upon this subject, I desire to give them a full and explicit statement of whatever personal relations have existed between me and the Sheriff.

    To begin with: I never asked a favor from Agnew in the shape of appointments for any friend of mine for an office under him. The only exception, if it may be called an exception, consisted in this, that, after Peter Hand had been recommended as jailer by a number of prominent citizens of Irish birth, I joined in their recommendation. But I did not, either in that or in any other case, take the iniative in recommending a new appointment.

    Later I was informed that the Sheriff was going from bad to worse; that he was scarcely ever sober; that he was a regular visitor of houses of ill-fame on Fourth Avenue; that he was a frequenter of well-known gambling hells; that his 2appointees in the County jail were committing most detestable outrages against decency and discipline, by holding perfect orgies under the very noses of the prisoners. The climax was reached when the Sheriff, having been scarcely six weeks in office, became the recipient of a diamond star to the value of two thousand dollars, the gift of those very disreputable characters, who are the curse and bane of our city. I then publicly exposed the shameful transaction in such terms as it deserved.

    What may be less generally known is that the Staats - Zeitung, previous to the last election took a decided stand against the extravagantly high enrolments of the Sheriff's office and its intention to insist upon a vigorous cutting down in that respect was clearly indicated.

    There, probably, is to be found the real cause of Agnew's bitter and venomous spite against me. In conclusion I desire to say most emphatically that I have never desired or attempted to "run" or to "control" either the Sheriff's or any other office. That I have been active in the politics of this community is well known; but all my efforts have been confined to the organization of political parties and to the management of political campaigns. They have never been directed to the petty business of finding men for subordinate positions under the 3officers elected by the people. Where my advice has been desired, I have given it, but have never thrust it upon any one. To this assertion every department of our municipal government will bear witness. So would Sheriff Agnew, if the truth were in him.

    On several occasions Sheriff Agnew has endeavored to mislead public opinion by asserting that "Hesing's paper," in uncovering his delinquencies, follies, and crimes, was merely venting a personal spite, since ...

    German
    IV, II B 2 d 1, I F 5, I F 6